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First published in 1997, this volume responded to the peace process of the 1980s and 1990s between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, emerging just prior to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. It constituted one of the first major academic examinations of the attempts to bring peace to Northern Ireland in the 1990’s, and explores the historical origins of the process, before moving towards a critical account of the role of political parties in the development of the peace process. Critics have argued equally that the process was a sham, tactically repositioning Irish republicanism, and that it provided a framework for reconciliation or even conflict resolution. This book outlines the political changes which allowed the peace process to develop, along with analysing specific themes divided into three broad sections: the general aims of the peace process, the political perspectives and the issues under discussion. Aiming to promote discussion, these contributors explore the origins and function of the peace process, followed by an analysis of political perspectives including the Unionists, the SDLP and Irish Republicanism. Finally, they consider key issues of interest for the peace process, including the ever-present border debate, security strategies, education, and economics, whilst Rachel Ward makes the case for the skilled contributions of women available to formal politics.
Seminar paper from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: 2,3, University of Rostock, language: English, abstract: The Troubles in Northern Ireland were one of the main concerns for both British and Irish politics ever since the late 1960s. However, the roots of the conflict reach back centuries and have been the cause for immense bloodshed and more than 3,200 casualties.These earlier stages of the conflict as well as its course in general are to be neglected in this paper, whereas the emphasis is to be on the Good Friday Agreement or Belfast Agreement of 1998 as the political marking line between war and peace, as well as the developments up to the present. Although the end of violence as primary goal of the Agreement was largely achieved in most parts of Northern Ireland, there are still developments that run contrary to a notion of peace. These developments will subsequently be analyzed to identify weaknesses of the Good Friday Agreement and make statements about the success of the peace process possible and ultimately make assumptions about the hindrances of said peace process to this day. The indicator used to make said assumptions will be Wolff’s post-agreement reconstruction model which was already used to analyze the progress of the peace process in 2002, which lead to a very cautious prognosis for the coming years. This paper’s task is therefore to apply the post-agreement reconstruction model to today’s situation to make a statement about the success of the Good Friday Agreement more than 18 years after it was signed. Due to the shortness of this paper, an emphasis will be laid on social, psychological and security indicators for the success of post-agreement reconstruction. Furthermore, the particular contents of the Belfast Agreement in their entirety are not to be listed here. However, for an analysis of the current situation in Northern Ireland it is necessary to consider at least some of the crucial points that contain the potential to obstruct the peace process or further entrench the sectarian division of Northern Ireland.
Since the troubles began in the late 1960s, people in Northern Ireland have been working together to bring about a peaceful end to the conflict. Building Peace in Northern Irelandexamines the different forms of peace and reconciliation work that have taken place. Maria Power has brought together an international group of scholars to examine initiatives such as integrated education, faith-based peace building, cross-border cooperation, and women's activism, as well as the impact that government policy and European funding have had upon the development of peace and reconciliation organizations.
Northern Ireland is currently enjoying a period of relative peace and stability unprecedented for much of the past half century. Such stability is the product of a variety of factors that has created conditions whereby Northern Ireland now runs its own political institutions for the first time since the early 1970s. International relations and developments since the early 1980s have had a key influence on the Northern Ireland process, and such external influences require renewed attention in assessing the evolution of the Northern Ireland conflict and the recent progress towards long-term peace. Since the abrupt end of the Cold War in the early 1990s in particular, the Northern Ireland dispute, along with many other inter-ethnic conflicts, has felt the repercussions of such geo-political changes, both positive and negative. In this context, many external states, forces and individuals have wielded significant influence over Northern Ireland’s development. The world's only remaining superpower, the USA, has particularly taken a renewed interest in Northern Ireland, an interest bolstered by a President with a genuine interest in the province. Other long-term external disputes such as the Middle East conflict and South Africa’s advance from apartheid have also been inter-linked with the Northern Ireland dispute. The European Union has continued to evolve as a trans-national organisation, and has also sought to influence the easing of sectarian tensions in Northern Ireland. This book seeks to assess the overall impact that such global developments have undoubtedly had on the Northern Ireland peace process, and attempts to offer fresh interpretations of a complex element within that process. Ben Williams, B.A (Hons.), M.A PhD student, University of Liverpool. Book reviews online: PublishedBestsellers website.
Volume one of the most authoritative and revealing account yet of how the Irish Government managed the Northern Ireland peace process and helped broker a political settlement to end the conflict there. Based on eight extended interviews with key officials and political leaders, this book provides a compelling picture of how the peace process was created and how it came to be successful. Covering areas such as informal negotiation, text and context, strategy, working with British and American Governments, and offering perceptions of other players involved in the dialogue and negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 and the power-sharing arrangements that followed, this dramatic account will become a major source for academics and interested readers alike for years to come. Volume one deals with the Irish Government and Sunningdale (1973) and the Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) and Volume two on the Good Friday Agreement (1998) and beyond.
This book offers a re-evaluation of the emergence, development and outcome of the peace process in Northern Ireland. Drawing on interviews with many of the key participants of the peace process, newly released archival material and the existing scholarship on the conflict, it explains the decisions that shaped the peace process in their proper context. O'Kane argues that although the outcome of the process can be seen as a success, it is not the outcome that was originally expected or intended by most of its participants. By tracing the process and highlighting the pragmatic decisions of the parties that shaped it the work explains how Northern Ireland moved from conflict to peace. The book concludes by examining what the implications of Brexit are for Northern Ireland’s hard-won peace and political stability.
Thompson examines the U.S. role--both governmental and that of Irish-Americans--in attempting to bring a resolution to the strife in Northern Ireland. He concentrates on the efforts since 1967, particularly the growth of American efforts to become the central humanitarian player in the peace process. The U.S. government stance was initially one of strict non-involvement. However, in the aftermath of Vietnam and Watergate, diminished White House authority encouraged Irish-American groups to challenge the traditional Irish policy. Movement away from strict non-involvement began with Congressional concern for the rising specter of Irish-American anger at the treatment of northern Irish Catholics. An important transition to humanitarian policy occurred during the Reagan Administration. Contributing factors that helped the U.S. government take a new direction in foreign policy were America's failure to respond to the escalation of Northern Ireland violence, a strong personal ethnic tie between the U.S. President and Speaker of the House O'Neill, a personal link between President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher, and intense lobbying by Irish-Americans and the Irish government. After a brief period of silent diplomacy during the Bush administration, the Clinton administration succeeded in a public blitz to endorse steps necessary to bring peace closer.