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This exciting new volume from Armando Navarro offers the most current and comprehensive political history of the Mexicano experience in the United States. Viewing Mexicanos today as an occupied and colonized people, Navarro calls for the formation of a new movement to reinvigorate the struggle for resistance and change. His book is a valuable resource for social activists and instructors in Latino politics, U.S. race relations, and social movements.
Social science research has frequently found conflict between Latinos and African Americans in urban politics and governance, as well as in the groups' attitudes toward one another. Rodney E. Hero and Robert R. Preuhs analyze whether conflict between these two groups is also found in national politics. Based on extensive evidence on the activities of minority advocacy groups in national politics and the behavior of minority members of Congress, the authors find the relationship between the groups is characterized mainly by non-conflict and a considerable degree of independence. The question of why there appears to be little minority intergroup conflict at the national level of government is also addressed. This is the first systematic study of Black–Latino intergroup relations at the national level of United States politics.
This book examines the current status of Mexicano and Latino politics in the United States. Political scientist and community activist Armando Navarro maintains that both represent a dysfunctional and failed mode of politics, attributable to their system maintenance and mainstream ideological orientation and approach. As colonial agents, they protect both a United States that is decaying and declining and the degenerative liberal capitalist system. Navarro argues that the United States is not a representative democracy; but in fact, is a “White Corpocratic Dictatorship” controlled by Capital, which is evolving into a Fascist State. The book provides an in-depth analysis and contention that Mexicanos and Latinos in Aztlán (Southwest) are an “occupied and internal colonized people.” It argues they are the “Palestinians and Kurds” of the United States. His supposition is sustained by the book’s profiles of Mexicano political history, demography, socioeconomics, electoral politics, immigration, and the Triad Crisis (e.g., Second Great Depression, Global Economic Crisis, and Global Capitalist Crisis). Each chapter provides the justification and case for Navarro’s two unique alternative change models, applicable to today’s bankrupt and failed Mexicano and Latino Politics in the twenty-first century. The preferred model is “Aztlán’s Politics of a Nation-Within-a-Nation (APNWN),” which is based on the models of the Mormon Nation of Utah and that of French Quebec. Navarro, therefore, calls for the reformation of the United States’ liberal capitalist system by way of social democracy for the empowerment of Mexicanos and Latinos. His second model is “Aztlán’s Politics of Separatism” (APS), which offers two strategic options, (1) Aztlán (Southwest) becoming a separate and sovereign nation-state or (2) its reannexation and re-integration with Mexico. Navarro outlines a “plan of action” for building a New Movement designed to attain APNWN or APS. In addition, several ominous forecasts are made, such as the United States being in a state of decline and no longer a hegemonic superpower due to the rise of a multi-polar world. Moreover, Navarro attributes the United States’ decline to the inherent contradictions of global capitalism. His sobering message is that if the current economic conditions are left unchanged, this will produce an “End of Times” scenario—the unleashing of the “Four Horseman of the Apocalypse.”
The 24th volume addresses how people's lives and experiences across the world are being transformed by technological changes, media institutions, political ideologies, and social forces. Nine articles consider such topics as implications of the privatization of television in India, diasporic cinema and media definitions of Indian femininity, the construction of Latinos and Latino issue, and peril and play in an Arab-American community. The contributors are from a range of countries, but all now working in the US. -- c. Book News Inc.
Using the most extensive and currently available survey opinion data, this book empirically supports the argument that Latinos have emerged as a convergent panethnic political group, beyond the individual national origin identities dating to the time of the 1990 Latino National Political Survey when Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban Americans were treated conceptually as politically distinct groups. Replete with data and supplemented by an extensive online resource, this book offers scholars, students, and sophisticated general readers evidence and inspiration for understanding the dynamics of Latino politics in the U.S. today.
"Analyzes the impact of the opposition candidacies in the Mexican presidential elections of 1940, 1946, and 1952 on the internal discipline and electoral dominance of the ruling Partido de la Revoluciâon Mexicana (PRM) and its successor, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)"--Provided by publisher.