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This new volume provides an authoritative source of information on Sudan's agriculture up to the present. It includes detailed background on agricultural production systems in various regions of the country, as well as an overview of Sudanese vegetation, climate, hydrology, geology and other important agricultural impact systems. Twenty authors with first-hand experience and specialized knowledge of the area have written an important reference for all researchers in this field.
Urbanisation and long-lasting civil wars and conflict mean that the demographic pattern in Sudan is changing drastically. Nevertheless, 60%-80 % of Sudanese engage in subsistence agriculture. Agriculture remains a crucial sector in the economy as a major source of raw materials, food and foreign exchange. It employs the majority of the labour force, and serves as a potential vehicle for diversifying the economy. However, no rigorous studies have explained productivity in this sector in relation to food security. The situation has worsened because agriculture in particular has been neglected since the advent of oil production in the early 2000s. Moreover, Sudan's agricultural growth has been unbalanced, with the majority of irrigated agriculture concentrated in the Centre and a huge disparity in development indicators between the best- and worst-performing regions.Thus, studies show that the vast majority of Sudanese are reported to be food insecure, especially internally displaced persons and in conflict regions such as Darfur, Kordofan and other regions.
Wheat flour and bread have played a central role in Sudan’s political economy throughout the country’s post-independence history. In 2019, increasing bread prices precipitated the protests that ousted the government of Omar al-Bashir. How has Sudan’s recent political transition and economic circumstances impacted distortions within the wheat value chain? What are the policy preferences of relevant stakeholders for improving the affordability of wheat products and the productivity of domestic wheat farmers? This paper addresses these questions by drawing on key informant interviews in Sudan and utilizing a political settlements approach, which captures the underlying distribution of power among elites and citizens. The post-revolution political settlement contains a much broader distribution of power shared between a civilian alliance movement and the military, each of which has distinct interests in the wheat value chain. The paper elucidates the preferences of different stakeholders to address policy distortions and discusses bottlenecks that need to be overcome for those options to be feasible. In doing so, the analysis reveals that, while the policy of subsidizing bread remains contentious, there are broader coalitions for interventions related to regulatory and monitoring reforms, improvements in domestic wheat procurement, enhanced agricultural investments, and targeted cash transfers to cushion subsidy reductions.
The calamities of Sudan expand on daily basis. The secession of Southern Sudan has deprived the country of 25% of it total area, 24% of population, over 80% of its oil income. Moreover, it has separated with 75% of it vegetation cover and 30% of potential arable land. In addition, Sudan stands to tolerate at least 25% of its water resources. Economic situation precarious with the Darfur rebellions, the inception of Southern Kordofan's region civil strive and the inflamed complaints in its Blue Nile region. That resulted besides deprivation of oil revenues and other potentials to increased cost of national security and expenditures on additional revenues to meet such funds for securing peace. Economic crisis no longer looms over the country, but has grasped it with continuous pressures from the international society with all the consequences of boycotts, deprivations of loans and financing. The only viable economic sector is agriculture, with industry demise due to heavy taxation, expensive inputs prices, devaluation of the Sudanese currency and increases in levels of foreign currencies exchange rates. The present study reviews and updates information on the agricultural sector, not only for possible revival and compensations of the lost oil revenues but also to ensure food security for the remaining population. However, it is concluded here that under the present conditions, the agricultural sector cannot fulfill the economic requirements of the country. More economic resources are needed besides changes in the conception and application of privatization policies.
This note reviews Sudan’s contemporary political landscape and how it affects the viability of much needed investments central to the country’s agricultural transformation. It specifically focuses on livestock and horticulture value chains in Greater Khartoum and natural resource management in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan States. Successive governments have largely neglected the agriculture sector even though it is the largest employment sector in Sudan and contributes about 56 percent to total exports (CBoS, 2020). Moreover, the sector has a high potential for tackling the twin challenges of food insecurity and improving the livelihoods of smallholder farmers. These two are critical priorities given high food price inflation and restricted access to agricultural inputs exacerbated by the Ukraine war. An enabling political and governance environment is essential for adopting and implementing the policies required for agricultural transformation, especially in fragile states like Sudan. This Political Economy Assessment (PEA) exercise has highlighted that the military and paramilitary structures occupy a large market share of the State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), private company partnerships, and land leases to foreign companies in the agriculture sector. Thus, this study forms a basis for deeper PEA and an opportunity for the exploration of the role of intermediaries and the rent seeking activities at the subsequent levels of agricultural value chains, and the extent to which they are linked to both formal and informal economic structures. We have highlighted how smallholder farmers are largely disadvantaged given the current distribution of economic rents.