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Following World War II, America was witness to two great struggles. The first was on the international front and involved the fight for freedom around the globe, as millions of people in Asia and Africa rose up to throw off their European colonial masters. In the decades following 1945 dozens of new nations joined the ranks of independent countries. Following the Civil War, the African-American voice in U.S. foreign affairs continued to grow. In the late nineteenth century, a few African-Americans — such as Frederick Douglass — even served as U.S. diplomats to the "black republics" of Liberia and Haiti. When America began its overseas thrust during the 1890s, African-American opinion was divided.
This challenging and motivating text presents the experience of the U.S. in World War II as a backdrop for understanding recent developments and events in American history. Four principal interwoven themes trace 1) the pervasive impact of the Cold War, 2) the effects of social-protest movements among African-Americans, women, and other groups, 3) the sources and impact of economic, demographic, and cultural changes, and 4) a thorough examination of politics.
As World War II drew to a close and the world awakened to the horrors wrought by white supremacists in Nazi Germany, the NAACP and African-American leaders sensed an opportunity to launch an offensive against the conditions of segregation and inequality in the United States. The "prize" they sought was not civil rights, but human rights. Only the human rights lexicon, shaped by the Holocaust and articulated by the United Nations, contained the language and the moral power to address not only the political and legal inequality but also the education, health care, housing, and employment needs that haunted the black community. The NAACP understood this and wielded its influence and resources to take its human rights agenda before the United Nations. But the onset of the Cold War and rising anti-communism allowed powerful southerners to cast those rights as Soviet-inspired and a threat to the American "ways of life." Enemies and friends excoriated the movement, and the NAACP retreated to a narrow civil rights agenda that was easier to maintain politically. Thus the Civil Rights Movement was launched with neither the language nor the mission it needed to truly achieve black equality. Carol Anderson is the recipient of major grants from the Ford Foundation and the American Council of Learned Societies, and numerous awards for excellence in teaching. Her scholarly interests are 20th century American, African-American, and diplomatic history, and the impact of the Cold War and U.S. foreign policy on the struggle for black equality in particular. Her publications include "From Hope to Disillusion published in Diplomatic History and reprinted in The African-American Voice in U.S. Foreign Policy.
After World War II the United States faced two preeminent challenges: how to administer its responsibilities abroad as the world's strongest power, and how to manage the rising movement at home for racial justice and civil rights. The effort to contain the growing influence of the Soviet Union resulted in the Cold War, a conflict that emphasized the American commitment to freedom. The absence of that freedom for nonwhite American citizens confronted the nation's leaders with an embarrassing contradiction. Racial discrimination after 1945 was a foreign as well as a domestic problem. World War II opened the door to both the U.S. civil rights movement and the struggle of Asians and Africans abroad for independence from colonial rule. America's closest allies against the Soviet Union, however, were colonial powers whose interests had to be balanced against those of the emerging independent Third World in a multiracial, anticommunist alliance. At the same time, U.S. racial reform was essential to preserve the domestic consensus needed to sustain the Cold War struggle. The Cold War and the Color Line is the first comprehensive examination of how the Cold War intersected with the final destruction of global white supremacy. Thomas Borstelmann pays close attention to the two Souths--Southern Africa and the American South--as the primary sites of white authority's last stand. He reveals America's efforts to contain the racial polarization that threatened to unravel the anticommunist western alliance. In so doing, he recasts the history of American race relations in its true international context, one that is meaningful and relevant for our own era of globalization. Table of Contents: Preface Prologue 1. Race and Foreign Relations before 1945 2. Jim Crow's Coming Out 3. The Last Hurrah of the Old Color Line 4. Revolutions in the American South and Southern Africa 5. The Perilous Path to Equality 6. The End of the Cold War and White Supremacy Epilogue Notes Archives and Manuscript Collections Index Reviews of this book: In rich, informing detail enlivened with telling anecdote, Cornell historian Borstelmann unites under one umbrella two commonly separated strains of the U.S. post-WWII experience: our domestic political and cultural history, where the Civil Rights movement holds center stage, and our foreign policy, where the Cold War looms largest...No history could be more timely or more cogent. This densely detailed book, wide ranging in its sources, contains lessons that could play a vital role in reshaping American foreign and domestic policy. --Publishers Weekly Reviews of this book: [Borstelmann traces] the constellation of racial challenges each administration faced (focusing particularly on African affairs abroad and African American civil rights at home), rather than highlighting the crises that made headlines...By avoiding the crutch of "turning points" for storytelling convenience, he makes a convincing case that no single event can be untied from a constantly thickening web of connections among civil rights, American foreign policy, and world affairs. --Jesse Berrett, Village Voice Reviews of this book: Borstelmann...analyzes the history of white supremacy in relation to the history of the Cold War, with particular emphasis on both African Americans and Africa. In a book that makes a good supplement to Mary Dudziak's Cold War Civil Rights, he dissects the history of U.S. domestic race relations and foreign relations over the past half-century...This book provides new insights into the dynamics of American foreign policy and international affairs and will undoubtedly be a useful and welcome addition to the literature on U.S. foreign policy and race relations. Recommended. --Edward G. McCormack, Library Journal
African-Americans' analysis of, and interest in, foreign affairs represents a rich and dynamic legacy, and this work provides a cutting edge insight into this neglected aspect of US foreign affairs. In addition to extending the parameters of US foreign policy literature to include race and ethnicity, the book documents case-specific analyses of the evolutionary development of the African American foreign affairs network (AAFAN). Whilst the examination of race in regard to the construction of US foreign policy is significant, this book also provides a cross disciplinary approach which utilises historical and political science methods to paint a more realistic appraisal of US foreign policy. Including analysis of original archival evidence, this theoretically informed work seeks to transcend the standard mono-disciplinary approach which overestimates the separation between domestic and foreign affairs. The unique approach of this work will add an important dimension to a newly emerging field and will be of interest to scholars in ethnic and racial studies, American politics, US foreign policy and US history.
Examines African American influence on United States foreign policy in the post-Cold War era.
Ethnic identity groups-defined broadly to include ethnic, religious, linguistic, or racial identities-have long played a role in the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. Yet ethnic group influence increased significantly following the Cold War. Ambrosio and his colleagues provide a unique collection of essays on the relationship between ethnic identity groups and U.S. foreign policy. The book covers a wide range of issues, historical periods, and geographic regions. Integrated chapters examine four major issues: the traditional (white) role of ethnicity in U.S. foreign policy; ethnic identity group mobilization; newcomers to the foreign policy process; and the complexities of ethnic identity politics. An in-depth literature review is provided, as well as an overview of the moral/ethical issues surrounding ethnic group influence on U.S. foreign policy, especially after the events of September 11, 2001. This volume is designed to spark debate on the theoretical, historical, and ethical issues of ethnic identity group influence on U.S. foreign policy. As such, it will be of special interest to scholars, students, researchers, policymakers, and anyone concerned with the making of American foreign policy.
This dynamic and comprehensive text from two nationally renowned scholars continues to demonstrate the profound influence African Americans have had -- and continue to have -- on American politics. Through the use of two interrelated themes -- the idea of universal freedom and the concept of minority-majority coalitions -- the text demonstrates how the presence of Africans in the United States affected the founding of the Republic and its political institutions and processes. The authors show that through the quest for their own freedom in the United States, African Americans have universalized and expanded the freedoms of all Americans.
An A to Z presentation of over 400 articles on African American politics and notable people, from the abolitionist movement to Whitney Young.
Kenn (history, U. of Miami) draws not only on government records, but also papers of the NAACP, African American newspapers and journals, and original interviews to explore the appointment of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations during the post-war period. He traces the early attempts to integrate the State Department, the setbacks during the Eisenhower years, and the gains during the administrations of Kennedy and Johnson. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR