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The Hazaras of Afghanistan have borne the brunt of many of the destructive forces unleashed by the establishment of the Afghan monarchy in 1747. The history of their relationship with the Afghan state has been punctuated by frequent episodes of ethnic cleansing, mass dispossession, forced displacement, enslavement and social and economic exclusion. Mostly Shia in a country dominated by Sunni Muslims, and identifiable because of their Asian features, the Hazaras became Afghanistan's internal 'Other'. They look different and practice a different school of Islam in a country that is prone to internal conflict and the machinations of external powers. The history of the Hazaras therefore offers a unique perspective into the deep contradictions of Afghanistan as a modern state, and how its ethnic and religious dynamics continue to undermine the post-2001 political process. This volume provides a fresh account of both the strategies and tactics of the Afghan state and how the Hazaras have responded to them, focusing on three key phenomena: Hazara rebellion and resistance to the intrusion of the Afghan state in the nineteenth century; the incorporation of the Hazara homeland into Afghanistan in the 1890s and their subsequent marginalization and exclusion; and the Hazaras' ethnic mobilization and struggle for recognition in recent decades.
The Hazaras of Afghanistan have borne the brunt of many of the destructive forces unleashed by the establishment of the Afghan monarchy in 1747. The history of their relationship with the Afghan state has been punctuated by frequent episodes of ethnic cleansing, mass dispossession, forced displacement, enslavement and social and economic exclusion. Mostly Shia in a country dominated by Sunni Muslims, and identifiable because of their Asian features, the Hazaras became Afghanistan's internal 'Other'. They look different and practice a different school of Islam in a country that is prone to internal conflict and the machinations of external powers. The history of the Hazaras therefore offers a unique perspective into the deep contradictions of Afghanistan as a modern state, and how its ethnic and religious dynamics continue to undermine the post-2001 political process. This volume provides a fresh account of both the strategies and tactics of the Afghan state and how the Hazaras have responded to them, focusing on three key phenomena: Hazara rebellion and resistance to the intrusion of the Afghan state in the nineteenth century; the incorporation of the Hazara homeland into Afghanistan in the 1890s and their subsequent marginalization and exclusion; and the Hazaras' ethnic mobilization and struggle for recognition in recent decades.
Based on 18 months of fieldwork in Bamyan and West Kabul, Afghanistan among ethnic Hazara civil society activists, I examine civil society groups’ protests and memorialization activities as social and political acts of collective and cultural trauma generation and dissemination. The activists’ protests seek to secure greater rights, security and infrastructural development in Hazara populated areas, and memorialize past rights violations and atrocities against Hazaras. Through protests, literature and social media, the retelling of traumatic events inculcates and spreads collective trauma. And the framing of these past events as a present existential threat merges with a widespread sense that Hazara history and culture have been quietly erased by a Pashtun-dominated Afghan state apparatus. Both the constant recounting of collective traumas and the perception of having been excluded from Afghan history and history-writing confirm a need to write and speak about the Hazara past through frames specific to Hazaras’ victimization., including an ongoing genocide which began over 100 years ago. Hazara activist history-telling also draws on Bamyan’s ancient past, to make a claim to their being Afghanistan’s autochthonous people as well as heirs to cosmopolitan, religiously tolerant and non-violent Buddhist and Silk Road traditions. Yet the ancient past is also depicted as having been traumatic, in that the early ancestors of the Hazaras are held to have suffered under Muslim and Mongol invaders. Affective and symbolic echoes of Shi’a traditions of martyrdom and victimization are also to be found in Hazara protest and memorialization. Layered on top of all this is language appealing to a Western audience, giving emphasis to Hazaras’ purportedly inherent peacefulness and their recent embrace of human rights and genocide recognition. Hazara activists express a Hazara exceptionalism based on the idea that their people are particular to Afghanistan as an autochthonous group mixed with later migrations and different religious groups which thrived on the Silk Road and are hence imbued with a peacefulness and cosmopolitanism others lack. They provide as evidence a mix of written and mythological historical sources.
Study of the second largest but least well-known ethnic group in Afghanistan that also confronts the taboo subject of Afghan national identity. Largely Farsi-speaking Shi'ias, the Hazaras traditionally inhabited central Afghanistan, but because of the war are now widely scattered.
The Hazaras, numbering some 2.5 million, have for centuries faced persecution from Afghanistan's majority Sunni population -- politically, socially and economically. This book examines how and why.
This report covers the ethnic complexity of Afghanistan, which reflects its position between Persian- and Turkish-speaking peoples to the north and west, and the various South Asian peoples of the east. The way in which the USSR invasion has further polarized the population is also examined.
Although today's richest countries tend to have long histories of secure private property rights, legal-titling projects do little to improve the economic and political well-being of those in the developing world. This book employs a historical narrative based on secondary literature, fieldwork across thirty villages, and a nationally representative survey to explore how private property institutions develop, how they are maintained, and their relationship to the state and state-building within the context of Afghanistan. In this predominantly rural society, citizens cannot rely on the state to enforce their claims to ownership. Instead, they rely on community-based land registration, which has a long and stable history and is often more effective at protecting private property rights than state registration. In addition to contributing significantly to the literature on Afghanistan, this book makes a valuable contribution to the literature on property rights and state governance from the new institutional economics perspective.