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Provides an analysis of the relationship between the UK and the EU, treating the key overarching issues in the 1975 referendum and looking ahead to the prospect (eventually) of further referendums on the subjects of EMU and a European constitution.
Provides an analysis of the relationship between the UK and the EU, treating the key overarching issues in the 1975 referendum and looking ahead to the prospect (eventually) of further referendums on the subjects of EMU and a European constitution.
The first modern history of the 1975 European referendum, ranging across 1970s Britain to assess why voters said 'Yes to Europe'.
This book explores the background of the eurozone crisis, outlining a number of potential solutions. It attempts to discover if the problems could have been anticipated, and examines how well have the fiscal EMU rules been adhered to and how appropriate they are.
Is there an alternative to EU membership? What if Britain left the EU? Would it be a disastrous or liberating experience? What trade relationships could the UK forge outside the EU? How would economic and social policy be different? What are the implications for sovereignty and democracy? This text seeks to answer these questions through exploring the future options for Britain regarding its relationship with the European Union (EU). To the British establishment it seemed obvious that joining the process towards greater European integration would reverse the UK's post-war declining political influence and accelerate its rate of economic growth. Consequently, a recurrent theme is that UK participation in ever closer European integration is widely perceived as ‘inevitable'. In contrast, this book both addresses and challenges this presumption by illustrating that a variety of alternative forms of relationship are feasible, together with outlining possible policy options that may compliment and enhance the consequences arising from the fundamental decision of how the UK determines its future.
Although the United Kingdom’s entry to the European Community (EC) in 1973 was initially celebrated, by the end of the first year the mood in the UK had changed from ‘hope to uncertainty’. When Edward Heath lost the 1974 General Election, Harold Wilson returned to No. 10 promising a fundamental renegotiation and referendum on EC membership. By the end of the first year of membership, 67% of voters had said ‘yes’ to Europe in the UK’s first-ever national referendum. Examining the relationship between diplomacy and domestic debate, this book explores the continuities between the European policies pursued by Heath and Wilson in this period. Despite the majority vote in favour of maintaining membership, Lindsay Aqui argues that this majority was underpinned by a degree of uncertainty and that ultimately, neither Heath nor Wilson managed to transform the UK’s relationship with the EC in the ways they had hoped possible.
Peter Wilding offers an arresting answer, plotting out a new course for Britain's troubled relationship with Europe. He channels the pride Britain draws from its heritage through the prejudice Britain has historically had against Europe, and proposes a new popular-based platform for British influence in Europe: 'smart power'. Wilding identifies how British leaders from Pitt to Cameron have attempted to use exactly this 'smart power' in their approach to Europe. He tells the story of their shared experiences in forging Churchill's strategy - a long-term plan which put Britain at the heart of Europe and the Commonwealth and alongside the United States - and applies it to Britain today. Outlining a new approach for Britain's leaders, Wilding proposes a new, positive vision to position Britain in a fast-changing and fractured world. His book will provide valuable new perspectives on the debate about what Britain does next after the EU referendum.
On 5 June 1975, voters went to the polls in Britain's first national referendum to decide whether the UK should remain in the European Community. As in 2016, the campaign shattered old political allegiances and triggered a far-reaching debate on Britain's place in the world. The campaign to stay in stretched from the Conservative Party - under its new leader, Margaret Thatcher - to the Labour government, the farming unions and the Confederation of British Industry. Those fighting to 'Get Britain Out' ranged from Enoch Powell and Tony Benn to Scottish and Welsh nationalists. Footballers, actors and celebrities joined the campaign trail, as did clergymen, students, women's groups and paramilitaries. In a panoramic survey of 1970s Britain, this volume offers the first modern history of the referendum, asking why voters said 'Yes to Europe' and why the result did not, as some hoped, bring the European debate in Britain to a close.
This book demonstrates that the generally assumed dichotomy between referendums and representative democracy does not do justice to the great diversity of referendum types and of how referendums are used in European democracies. Although in all referendums citizens vote directly on issues rather than letting their political representatives do this for them, some referendums are more direct than others. Rather than reflecting the direct power of the People, most referendums in EU countries are held by, and serve the interests of, the political elites, most notably the executive. The book shows that these interests rarely match the justifications given in the public debate. Instead of being driven by the need to compensate for the deficiency of political parties, decision-makers use referendums primarily to protect the position of their party. In unravelling the strategic role played by national referendums in decision-making, this book makes an unconventional contribution to the debate on the impact of referendums on democracy.
Soon after the UK referendum in June 2016, sociologists and other social scientists began to evaluate the implications of the decision both for the UK and, more importantly, for the European Union, Europe and the world. Some of these consequences were immediately evident. The vote revealed cleavages across the UK on a regional and class basis, paralleled, for example, in the support in France for the extreme-right Front National versus the Socialist Party. In the UK, there has been a revival of a kind of class politics, in which working-class voters swing right rather than left. The regional divisions are hard to explain: the most deprived areas of the UK, which have benefited substantially from EU development aid, were often those most hostile to UK membership of the EU. In the rest of Europe, the vote has opened up as a serious prospect what was previously only a pipe-dream of the political fringes: withdrawal from the EU itself. Although one can put this in the context of the Union’s failure to attract the support of enough voters in Norway and Switzerland for membership, the shock effect is incomparably greater. The UK was always a semi-detached member state, with opt-outs from Schengen and the euro, but it still carried substantial weight in the formation of EU policy. Although one of the immediate responses has been a rise in support for the EU across much of Europe, Brexit has massively strengthened the forces of (mostly right-wing) populist insurgent politics, adding withdrawal to the more local themes of migration and ‘islamization’ which play out in different variations across Europe. Brexit aims to trace the implications of the UK’s projected withdrawal from the EU, locating short-term political fluctuations in a broader historical and social context of the transformation of European and global society. It provides a forum for leading Eurosociologists (broadly defined), working inside and outside the UK, to rethink their analyses of the European project and its prospects, as well as to reflect on the likely implications for the UK.