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This book is an attempt to present the inside story of the Telangana movement that developed due to historical reasons. The movement, in this work, has brought forward the Telangana lower class’s response to the established cultural hegemony of the Andhra linguistic elite and affluent agrarian communities who, in their perception, monopolized the political power and economic resources. The movement voices the democratic yearnings of service castes, artisans, Dalits and nomads who through their instant association with the movement expressed aspirations for their due share in political power and administrative structure. The leadership that has come from the regional elite has, however, articulated only the reasons of 'self-respect and regional autonomy'. This work brings out the two-fold character in the movement. It also gives insights into the possible need of remaking states in India in the interest of the inclusion of these social groups in political structures so that democracy might further percolate downwards. This book is co-published with Aakar Books. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)
The book discusses the socio-cultural-historical, occupational, educational, employment and discriminatory status of one of the most neglected and marginalised communities: the de-notified tribes or ex-criminal tribes of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. Based on primary data collected from 14 communities in 11 districts in these states, it discusses the current state of affairs concerning de-notified tribes. There is no accurate and comprehensive information available on the present socio-economic status of these communities, either in the literature or with government agencies. This book provides valuable information on how they are faring in post-independence India since their de-notification from the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871.
The real strengths of TS & A P revealed after demerger The demerger of the united Andhra Pradesh was a long drawn political imbroglio. The merger was not rcommended by SRC and Telangana people did not want it. Andhra state becoming unviable after their peremptory separation from Madras state in 1953 had merged with the well to do Telangana in 1956 with the help of central government,with some guarantees to Telangana. Then with their majority, they usurped all the political power to make use of Telangana revenue and its other resources . For, Andhra region revenue income was always less than its expenditure. To make good their deficit, Telangana revenue was used perennially, making less expenditure in Telangana than its due. Congress though conceded Telangana state under duress, has granted several sops to Andhra, as if it was the sufferer. Poor Telangana which was the victim of exploitation was to satisfy with its bare minimum state. Yet, residual A P has lamented with victimhood, injustice and developing Telangana with their own resources etc. Andhra had deficit from 1953 to 1956. It has a balanced budget in the united state from 1956 to 2014, as it was made good with the siphoning of revenue from Telangana. In 2014-15,immediately after demerger,it has registered a big deficit of around Rs.12000 cr exposing its legacy of inherent economic weakness. A P also has got about Rs. 52000 cr deficit grant from two Financial Cmmissions from 2015 to 2026 .Yet the A P finances continued to be precarious year after year. Telangana using its suppressed economic strength surged ahead climbing to the top rung of the economic status of the states in India. Andhra, using Telangna revenue neglected increasing its State Own Tax Revenue (SOTR), is now exposed of its concealed economic weakness. A P has a SOTR of about 50 % in its total revenues, while TS has more than70 %, as against 46% of national average.That reveals the real economic strength of both the states after the demerger. It amply vindicates Telangana claims and proves wrong the false premises of Andhra.
Author's argument against the division of the Andhra Pradesh state by tying the medieval history and modern history of Telugus with the current Telangana movement.
This volume forms a part of the Critical Discourses in South Asia series which deals with schools, movements and discursive practices in major South Asian languages. It offers crucial insights into the making of Telugu literature and its critical tradition across over a century. The book brings together English translation of major writings of influential figures dealing with literary criticism and theory, aesthetic and performative traditions, re-interpretations of primary concepts, categories and interactions in Telugu. It presents 32 key texts in literary and cultural studies representing thoughts, debates, signposts and interfaces on important trends in critical discourse in the Telugu region from the middle of the 19th to the end of the 20th century, with nearly all translated by experts for the first time into English. The volume covers a wide array of themes, ranging from a text by Kandukuri Veeresalingam on women’s education to Challapalli Swaroopa Rani on new readings of the oral literature of the marginalised communities. These radical essays explore the interconnectedness of the socio-cultural and historical developments in the colonial and post-independence period in the Telugu region. They discuss themes such as integrative aesthetic visions; poetic and literary forms; modernism; imagination; power structures and social struggles; ideological values; cultural renovations; and collaborations and subversions. Comprehensive and authoritative, this volume offers an overview of the history of critical thought in Telugu literature in South Asia. It will be essential for scholars and researchers of Telugu language and literature, literary criticism, literary theory, comparative literature, Indian literature, cultural studies, art and aesthetics, performance studies, history, sociology, regional studies and South Asian studies. It will also interest the Telugu-speaking diaspora and those working on the intellectual history of Telugu and conservation of languages and culture.
This book explores the meanings of nationalism in a post-globalization, postcolonial context. It provides an in-depth understanding of the relationship between marginalized groups, media and politics by a focused study of the Telangana movement in India. Events like the Arab Spring, unrest in Myanmar and Ukraine, and the Brexit, Kurdish and Catalan referendums have proved how catalytic the changing media environment has been in reshaping the nature of resistance and social movements. Based on the author’s ethnographic research, this book examines how marginalized groups engage with the media and their community to participate in political processes. Analyzing public meetings, folk performances, pamphlets and media reports of the Telangana movement, the author reflects on the cultural notions of nationalism and the politics of state formation in the post-colonial context. This volume also evaluates the role of students and intellectuals in contemporary social movements and in uniting the discontents of globalization. Highlighting intersections of performativity, geography and justice, this book examines changing articulations of identity and everyday forms of resistance. It will be useful for students and research scholars interested in media and communication, cultural studies, political sciences, ethnic and minority studies and sociocultural movements in India.
This book examines the impact of globalization on some vital aspects of Indian politics, its structures and processes, and identifies the challenges to globalization itself, in order to highlight India’s complex and fascinating story. In 1991, India officially embraced the policy of neo-liberal reforms by signing the GATT agreement, which exposed the country, its society, culture and institutions to the various forces of globalization. Globalization as such may not be new to India, for the country has been embracing the influence of external cultures and civilisations for millennia, but the post-1991 reforms policy marked a significant shift, from a predominantly social welfare state and a command economy to a predominantly market driven one. Through a range of disciplinary perspectives, the authors analyse how India’s version of secularism, communal harmony, nationhood, the public sphere, social justice, and the rights of aboriginal communities came under attack from the forces of the new dispensation. The book goes on to show how globalisation in India has posed fresh challenges to political economy, democracy, federalism, decentralization, parliamentary system, judiciary, and the parliamentary Left. Critically reflecting on themes in the context of India’s globalisation that are local, regional, national and global, this book will be of interest to those in the fields of South Asian Politics, Globalisation, and International Relations.
It's often claimed that future wars will be fought over water. But while international water conflict is rare, it's common between subnational jurisdictions like states and provinces. Drawing on cases in the United States, China, India, and France, this book explains why these subnational water conflicts occur - and how they can be prevented.
This book examines the Union-State and inter-State relations concerning water issues in India. It analyses the federal structure in India and looks at its effectiveness in addressing the inter-state river water disputes in the country through three cases: the Cauvery, Krishna and Mahadayi Rivers water dispute. It probes into the physical, political, legal and constitutional measures taken by the Union government and the states to deal with the inter-State and Union-State tussles over inter-State river waters. The author studies the debate over centralisation and decentralisation of water resources, as well as the inter-state river water disputes that have aroused feelings of sub-nationalism in many regions of India. Finally, this book also examines socio-political tensions over multipurpose water projects and other supply-side infrastructures, and their efficacy in addressing India’s increasing water problems. This book will interest researchers and students of Environmental Politics, Political Science, Public Policy, Environmental Geography, Indian Politics, South Asian Studies, Environmental Economics, Environmental Policy, River Management, and Resource politics.
This book tells of the events which led, in September 1949, to the integration of the Princely State of Hyderabad the largest and the richest of the Princely States into the Indian Union. The author questions the nature and popularity of the annexation of Hyderabad and attempts to answer sensitive questions through a detailed study of the crucial decade of 1938 48.