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Most military experts agree that the development of new technology must be encouraged in the interest of national security. Some of the most important determinants of design success--the effects of political pressures on weapons programs. Chief among them--are not discussed. Nonetheless, the US can improve its ability to get the most from its military technologies. If we can conduct productive debates on operational concepts and doctrine, keep operational tradeoffs in mind, and introduce more flexibility and competition into our system acquisition planning process, we can expect slightly better decisions about what technologies are appropriate for a particular weapon and when to incorporate them. Project examples are cited.
The author identifies the two sharply opposing schools of thought about how best to organize, equip, and train our military forces. 'Military reformers' and 'defense planners' clash on the strategy for and the use of high-technology weapons systems. The author's focus on the debate over tactical air forces and missions defines and illustrates the broader, more consequential issue of weapon system sophistication. In concrete point-counterpoint fashion, he objectively lays out the successes and failures, strengths and weaknesses of each side's argument.
China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) has embarked on its most wide-ranging and ambitious restructuring since 1949, including major changes to most of its key organizations. The restructuring reflects the desire to strengthen PLA joint operation capabilities- on land, sea, in the air, and in the space and cyber domains. The reforms could result in a more adept joint warfighting force, though the PLA will continue to face a number of key hurdles to effective joint operations, Several potential actions would indicate that the PLA is overcoming obstacles to a stronger joint operations capability. The reforms are also intended to increase Chairman Xi Jinping's control over the PLA and to reinvigorate Chinese Communist Party (CCP) organs within the military. Xi Jinping's ability to push through reforms indicates that he has more authority over the PLA than his recent predecessors. The restructuring could create new opportunities for U.S.-China military contacts.
The Institute of Military Industry of China is an important forced in the military industry. In the economic structure reform, it is more significant to accelerate the reform of the institute since it will also accelerate the development of weapons to reinforce the Chinese national defense and the transfer of military technology to civilian applications to serve the national economy. For years, the Institute employed a supply system. Regardless of the technical accomplishments and economic benefits, the research funds and administrative expenses (including wages) were totally paid for by the Government. The institute relied on the government budget and the employees depended on the institution budget as if everything came out of a common pot. The institute lacks pressure, dynamic force and vitality which hinders progress. It also slows down the growth of personnel and prevents any improvement of economic benefits. An effective way to overcome this problem is to implement the paid contract system.
Militaries with state-of-the-art information technology sometimes bog down in confusing conflicts. To understand why, it is important to understand the micro-foundations of military power in the information age, and this is exactly what Jon R. Lindsay's Information Technology and Military Power gives us. As Lindsay shows, digital systems now mediate almost every effort to gather, store, display, analyze, and communicate information in military organizations. He highlights how personnel now struggle with their own information systems as much as with the enemy. Throughout this foray into networked technology in military operations, we see how information practice—the ways in which practitioners use technology in actual operations—shapes the effectiveness of military performance. The quality of information practice depends on the interaction between strategic problems and organizational solutions. Information Technology and Military Power explores information practice through a series of detailed historical cases and ethnographic studies of military organizations at war. Lindsay explains why the US military, despite all its technological advantages, has struggled for so long in unconventional conflicts against weaker adversaries. This same perspective suggests that the US retains important advantages against advanced competitors like China that are less prepared to cope with the complexity of information systems in wartime. Lindsay argues convincingly that a better understanding of how personnel actually use technology can inform the design of command and control, improve the net assessment of military power, and promote reforms to improve military performance. Warfighting problems and technical solutions keep on changing, but information practice is always stuck in between.
Antologi. Sikkerhedspolitiske forskere giver deres vurdering af følgerne af informationsalderens opgør med hidtidig kendt våbenteknologi og doktriner i forbindelse med den globale spredning af know-how på området.
Trillions for Military Technology explains why the weapons purchased by the U.S. Department of Defense cost so much, why it takes decades to get them into production even as innovation in the civilian economy becomes ever more frenetic, and why some of those weapons don't work very well despite expenditures of many billions of dollars. It also explains what do about these problems. The author argues that the internal politics of the armed services make weapons acquisition almost unmanageable. Solutions require empowering civilian officials and reforms that will bring choice of weapons "into the sunshine" of public debate.