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Theodore Kaczynski saw violent collapse as the only way to bring down the techno-industrial system, and in more than a decade of mail bomb terror he killed three people and injured 23 others. One does not need to support the actions that landed Kaczynski in supermax prison to see the value of his essays disabusing the notion of heroic technology while revealing the manner in which it is destroying the planet. For the first time, readers will have an uncensored personal account of his anti-technology philosophy, including a corrected version of the notorious ''Unabomber Manifesto,''Kaczynski, s critique of anarcho-primitivism, and essays regarding ''the Coming Revolution.''
Logical, lucid, and direct, Technological Slavery radically reinvigorates and reforms the intellectual foundations of an age-old and resurgent world-view: "Progress" is a myth. Wild nature and humanity are fundamentally incompatible with technological growth. In Technological Slavery, Kaczynski argues that: (i) the unfolding human and environmental crises are the direct, inevitable result of technology itself; (ii) many of the stresses endured in contemporary life are not normal to the human condition, but unique to technological conditions; (iii) wilderness and human life close to nature are realistic and supreme ideals; and, (iv) a revolution to eliminate modern technology and attain these ideals is necessary and far more achievable than would first appear. Drawing on a broad range of disciplines, Kaczynski weaves together a set of visionary social theories to form a revolutionary perspective on the dynamics of history and the evolution of societies. The result is a comprehensive challenge to the fundamental values and assumptions of the modern technology-driven world, pinning the cause of the rapidly unfolding catastrophe on technology itself, while offering a realistic hope for ultimate recovery. Note: Theodore John Kaczynski does not receive any remuneration for this book.
"There are many people today who see that modern society is heading toward disaster in one form or another, and who moreover recognize technology as the common thread linking the principal dangers that hang over us... The purpose of this book is to show people how to begin thinking in practical, grand-strategic terms about what must be done in order to get our society off the road to destruction that it is now on." --from the Preface In Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How, Kaczynski argues why the rational prediction and control of the development of society is impossible while expounding on the existence of a process fundamental to technological growth that inevitably leads to disaster: a universal process akin to biological natural selection operating autonomously on all dynamic systems and determining the long-term outcome of all significant social developments. Taking a highly logical, fact-based, and intellectually rigorous approach, Kaczynski seamlessly systematizes a vast breadth of knowledge and elegantly reconciles the social sciences with biology to illustrate how technological growth in and of itself necessarily leads to disastrous disruption of global biological systems. Together with this new understanding of social and biological change, and by way of an extensive examination of the dynamics of social movements, Kaczynski argues why there is only one route available to avoid the disaster that technological growth entails: a revolution against technology and industrial society. Through critical and comprehensive analysis of the principles of social revolutions and by carefully developing an exacting theory of successful revolution, Kaczynski offers a practical, rational, and realistic guide for preventing the fast-approaching technology-induced catastrophe. This new second edition (2020) contains various updates and improvements over the first edition (2016), including two new appendices.
The Reinvention of Atlantic Slavery shows how, at a moment of crisis after the Age of Revolutions, ambitious planters in the Upper US South, Cuba, and Brazil forged a new set of relationships with one another to sidestep the financial dominance of Great Britain and the northeastern United States. They hired a transnational group of chemists, engineers, and other "plantation experts" to assist them in adapting the technologies of the Industrial Revolution to suit "tropical" needs and maintain profitability. These experts depended on the know-how of slaves alongside whom they worked. Bondspeople with industrial craft skills played key roles in the development of new production technologies like sugar mills. While the very existence of skilled enslaved workers contradicted the racial ideologies underpinning slavery and allowed black people to wield new kinds of authority within the plantation world, their contributions reinforced the economic dynamism of the slave economies of Cuba, Brazil, and the Upper South. When separate wars broke out in all three locations in the 1860s, the transnational bloc of masters and experts took up arms to perpetuate the Greater Caribbean they had built throughout the 1840s and 1850s. Slaves played key wartime roles on the opposing side, helping put an end to chattel slavery. However, the worldwide racial division of labor that emerged from the reinvented plantation complex has proved more durable.
From everyday apps to complex algorithms, Ruha Benjamin cuts through tech-industry hype to understand how emerging technologies can reinforce White supremacy and deepen social inequity. Benjamin argues that automation, far from being a sinister story of racist programmers scheming on the dark web, has the potential to hide, speed up, and deepen discrimination while appearing neutral and even benevolent when compared to the racism of a previous era. Presenting the concept of the “New Jim Code,” she shows how a range of discriminatory designs encode inequity by explicitly amplifying racial hierarchies; by ignoring but thereby replicating social divisions; or by aiming to fix racial bias but ultimately doing quite the opposite. Moreover, she makes a compelling case for race itself as a kind of technology, designed to stratify and sanctify social injustice in the architecture of everyday life. This illuminating guide provides conceptual tools for decoding tech promises with sociologically informed skepticism. In doing so, it challenges us to question not only the technologies we are sold but also the ones we ourselves manufacture. Visit the book's free Discussion Guide: www.dropbox.com
"It is important not to confuse freedom with mere permissiveness." Theodore John Kaczynski (1942-) or also known as the Unabomber, is an Americandomestic terrorist and anarchist who moved to a remote cabin in 1971. The cabin lackedelectricity or running water, there he lived as a recluse while learning how to be self-sufficient. He began his bombing campaign in 1978 after witnessing the destruction ofthe wilderness surrounding his cabin.
When the Unabomber suspect was arrested at a cabin outside Lincoln, Montana, in 1996 no one was more surprised than his neighbor of 25 years, Chris Waits. Now Waits, whom ABC News described as the ''man who knew him best,'' has stepped forward with his significant portrait of Kaczynski. He teamed with veteran Montana newsman Dave Shors to write a riveting story about the secret years in Lincoln. Waits was the only person who could tell this story, which includes a compelling mix of personal observations. Waits shares copies of Kaczynski documents and personal journals obtained from the FBI, most of which have never been published before.
An interpretation of the Unabomber case projects Ted Kaczynski's life against a backdrop of the cold war, emerging from an unhappy adolescence to attend Harvard University, where he first adopted the ideas that would lead to his violent behavior. 70,000 first printing.
Examines the Business Administration Main Office of the SS, which built up the slave-labor system in Nazi concentration camps.