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Under which it proliferates. They know first hand that corruption jeopardizes security and economic growth, perpetuates poverty, and exacerbates social inequities. The knowledge has prompted the governments of more than half the world's population ...
International anti-corruption treaties, including the UN Convention against Corruption, require member states to establish two types of anti-corruption institutions – one to prevent corruption and the other to combat corruption through law ...
Traditional separation of powers theories assumed that governmental despotism will be prevented by dividing the branches of government which will check one another. Modern governments function with unexpected complicity among these branches. Sometimes one of the branches becomes overwhelming. Other governmental structures, however, tend to mitigate these tendencies to domination. Among other structures courts have achieved considerable autonomy vis-à-vis the traditional political branches of power. They tend to maintain considerable distance from political parties in the name of professionalism and expertise. The conditions and criteria of independence are not clear, and even less clear are the conditions of institutional integrity. Independence (including depolitization) of public institutions is of particular practical relevance in the post-Communist countries where political partisanship penetrated institutions under the single party system. Institutional integrity, particularly in the context of administration of justice, became a precondition for accession to the European Union. Given this practical challenge the present volume is centered around three key areas of institutional integrity, primarily within the administration of justice: First, in a broader theoretical-interdisciplinary context the criteria of institutional independence are discussed. The second major issue is the relation of neutralized institutions to branches of government with reference to accountability. Thirdly, comparative experience regarding judicial independence is discussed to determine techniques to enhance integrity.
In 2004 the Indonesian government made a commitment to provide its entire population with health insurance coverage through a mandatory public health insurance scheme. It has moved boldly already provides coverage to an estimated 76.4 million poor and near poor, funded through the public budget. Nevertheless, over half the population still lacks health insurance coverage, and the full fiscal impacts of the government's program for the poor have not been fully assessed or felt. In addition, significant deficiencies in the efficiency and equity of the current health system, unless addressed will exacerbate cost pressures and could preclude the effective implementation of universal coverage (Ue and the desired result of improvements in population health outcomes and financial protection. For Indonesia to achieve UC, systems' performance must be improved and key policy choices with respect to the configuration of the health financing system must be made. Indonesia's health system performs well with respect to some health outcomes and financial protection, but there is potential for significant improvement. High-level political decisions are necessary on key elements of the health financing reform package. The key transitional questions to get there include: [ the benefits that can be afforded and their impacts on health outcomes and financial protection; [ how the more than 50 percent of those currently without coverage will be insured; [ how to pay medical care providers to assure access, efficiency, and quality; [ developing a streamlined and efficient administrative structure; [ how to address the current supply constraints to assure availability of promised services; [ how to raise revenues to finance the system, including the program for the poor as well as currently uninsured groups that may require government subsidization such as the more than 60 million informal sector workers, the 85 percent of workers in firms of less than five employees, and the 70 percent of the population living in rural areas.
The link between gender and corruption has been studied since the late 1990s. Debates have been heated and scholars accused of bringing forward stereotypical beliefs about women as the “fair” sex. Policy proposals for bringing more women to office have been criticized for promoting unrealistic quick-fix solutions to deeply rooted problems. This edited volume advances the knowledge surrounding the link between gender and corruption by including studies where the historical roots of corruption are linked to gender and by contextualizing the exploration of relationships, for example by distinguishing between democracies versus authoritarian states and between the electoral arena versus the administrative branch of government—the bureaucracy. Taken together, the chapters display nuances and fine-grained understandings. The book highlights that gender equality processes, rather than the exclusionary categories of “women” and “men”, should be at the forefront of analysis, and that developments strengthening the position of women vis-à-vis men affect the quality of government.