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In this definitive history, William R. Keylor traces the tumultuous relationship between Charles de Gaulle and a host of other key twentieth-century figures: his former mentor Marshal Philippe Pétain, who headed the collaborationist government in the southern French city of Vichy as the German army occupied the northern two-thirds of the country; Sir Winston Churchill, the British prime minister whose government supported and financed de Gaulle and the Free French, but who clashed with the French leader on a number of hot-button issues; and, most critically, the six American presidents from FDR to Nixon. Keylor uses the metaphor “thorn in the side” to emphasize the fact that challenges from the intrepid French leader were often an annoyance to the Americans, who all had many more important issues to deal with—World War II for Roosevelt and Truman, the Cold War for Eisenhower, and the Vietnam War for Kennedy and Johnson. Richard Nixon alone had an excellent relationship, but the two men overlapped for only four months before de Gaulle’s retirement. Thoroughly researched and deeply knowledgeable, this gripping book will appeal to all readers interested in contemporary French and US history.
“[O]ne of the best introductions in English to this awkward and impressive figure which constantly reminds us that men of destiny make difficult company... an honest and enjoyable book.” — Political Science Quarterly “David Schoenbrun wrote his book from the vantage-point of frequent personal contacts with de Gaulle and many years residence in France. He blends biography and history, equally concerned with his protagonist’s mind and character as with the sequence of events, in this well-balanced account of de Gaulle the Soldier, the Savior of France, and the Statesman. Schoenbrun finds much to admire in the soldier, but he grows more critical as the Messianic de Gaulle rises or climbs to the dizzy heights of the Presidency which thanks to de Gaulle’s Constitution now has more power than the king who proclaimed "l’état c’est moi"... this enthralling book is well worth reading.” — World Affairs “David Schoenbrun is a top CBS newsman and analyst with an impressive accessibility to the great and knowledge of politics, in particular French politics... he applies his experience and qualifications to the task of presenting formidable Charles de Gaulle of France. It is a full dress biography.” — Kirkus “Au total, le portrait sympathique que Schoenbrun brosse de de Gaulle vient à propos en un temps où beaucoup d’Américains critiquent âprement la politique et la personne du Président français. Par sa narration des évènements de la seconde guerre mondiale, il justifie l’attitude qu’observera souvent de Gaulle à l’égard de l’Angleterre et des Etats-Unis, ce qui ne l’empêche pas de montrer de Gaulle manœuvrant pour s’attribuer le pouvoir suprême, conformément à la doctrine développée dans son livre Le fil de l’épée, où se révèlent ses ambitions dictatoriales et, en même temps, un sens politique assez aigu, qui lui permet de comprendre qu’une dictature n’est concevable que soutenue par un large courant populaire.” — Revue d’histoire de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale
Winner of the Duff Cooper Prize Winner of the Elizabeth Longford Prize A New Yorker, Financial Times, Spectator, Times, and Telegraph Book of the Year In this definitive biography of the mythic general who refused to accept the Nazi domination of France, Julian Jackson captures Charles de Gaulle as never before. Drawing on unpublished letters, memoirs, and papers from the recently opened de Gaulle archive, he shows how this volatile visionary of staunch faith and conservative beliefs infuriated Churchill, challenged American hegemony, recognized the limitations of colonial ambitions in Algeria and Vietnam, and put a broken France back at the center of world affairs. “With a fluent style and near-total command of existing and newly available sources...Julian Jackson has come closer than anyone before him to demystifying this conservative at war with the status quo, for whom national interests were inseparable from personal honor.” —Richard Norton Smith, Wall Street Journal “A sweeping-yet-concise introduction to the most brilliant, infuriating, and ineffably French of men.” —Ross Douthat, New York Times “Classically composed and authoritative...Jackson writes wonderful political history.” —Adam Gopnik, New Yorker “A remarkable book in which the man widely chosen as the Greatest Frenchman is dissected, intelligently and lucidly, then put together again in an extraordinary fair-minded, highly readable portrait. Throughout, the book tells a thrilling story.” —Antonia Fraser, New Statesman “Makes awesome reading, and is a tribute to the fascination of its subject, and to Jackson’s mastery of it...A triumph, and hugely readable.” —Max Hastings, Sunday Times
After watching a D-Day film, do youwonder why no French units took part in the invasion of their own German-occupied country? General Charles De Gaulle commanded 400,000 Free French soldiers, but US President Roosevelt insisted they not be told the date of the invasion because he intended to occupy France and open the country up to American Big Business, while keeping in office traitors who had run the country for Hitler. This would have sparked a civil war, but De Gaulle outwitted Washington to head the first government of liberated France. Disgusted with the professional politicians, he resigned in 1946. but twelve years later, to save France from civil war a second time, he was elected President of the Republic. After Roosevelt’s death, he defied presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon.Drawing on hitherto unpublished and revealing material from the archives in Paris and Washington, this thought-provoking account of a great European’s rejection of foreign domination has significant resonance for modern Britain, whose governments are subservient both to Washington and Brussels.
#1 "New York Times" bestselling author Frederick Forsyth's unforgettable novel of a conspiracy, a killer, and the one man who can stop him... He is known only as "The Jackal"--a cold, calculating assassin without emotion, or loyalty, or equal. He's just received a contract from an enigmatic employer to eliminate one of the most heavily guarded men in the world--Charles De Gaulle, president of France. It is only a twist of fate that allows the authorities to discover the plot. They know next to nothing--only that the assassin is on the move. To track him, they dispatch their finest detective, Claude Lebel, on a manhunt that will push him to his limit, in a race to stop an assassin's bullet from reaching its target.
The French secret services have a long history dating back to the "ancien regime. "With the founding of the Third Republic (1870-1940) the famous Second Bureau was created as France's principal intelligence-gathering organization. After the Germans invaded France in 1940, however, the services splintered and diversified, with Vichy agencies and Collaborationists, the Free French and the internal resistance all in contention. More recently, since 1944 the activities of the reorganized French secret services have extended across a surprisingly wide area, sometimes with spectacular results as in the 'Greenpeace Affair' in New Zealand in 1985. This volume deals with the French secret services according to a chronological framework which reflects the evolution of the services which were created and transformed by both internal and external historical factors. The bibliography commences with an examination of the origins and development of the French Intelligence Service from the "ancien regime "to 1870. It then considers the history and activities of the secret services during the following periods: the Third Republic; the Second World War; the Fourth Republic; and the Fifth Republic, firstly between 1958 and 1981 and then during the 1980s and 1990s, including the 'Greenpeace Affair'. This is an essential reference tool for all those interested in the history of intelligence agencies and national security in general and in the development of the French secret services in particular.
A SUNDAY TIMES, THE TIMES, DAILY TELEGRAPH, NEW STATESMAN, SPECTATOR, FINANCIAL TIMES, TLS BOOK OF THE YEAR 'Masterly ... awesome reading ... an outstanding biography' Max Hastings, Sunday Times The definitive biography of the greatest French statesman of modern times In six weeks in the early summer of 1940, France was over-run by German troops and quickly surrendered. The French government of Marshal Pétain sued for peace and signed an armistice. One little-known junior French general, refusing to accept defeat, made his way to England. On 18 June he spoke to his compatriots over the BBC, urging them to rally to him in London. 'Whatever happens, the flame of French resistance must not be extinguished and will not be extinguished.' At that moment, Charles de Gaulle entered into history. For the rest of the war, de Gaulle frequently bit the hand that fed him. He insisted on being treated as the true embodiment of France, and quarrelled violently with Churchill and Roosevelt. He was prickly, stubborn, aloof and self-contained. But through sheer force of personality and bloody-mindedness he managed to have France recognised as one of the victorious Allies, occupying its own zone in defeated Germany. For ten years after 1958 he was President of France's Fifth Republic, which he created and which endures to this day. His pursuit of 'a certain idea of France' challenged American hegemony, took France out of NATO and twice vetoed British entry into the European Community. His controversial decolonization of Algeria brought France to the brink of civil war and provoked several assassination attempts. Julian Jackson's magnificent biography reveals this the life of this titanic figure as never before. It draws on a vast range of published and unpublished memoirs and documents - including the recently opened de Gaulle archives - to show how de Gaulle achieved so much during the War when his resources were so astonishingly few, and how, as President, he put a medium-rank power at the centre of world affairs. No previous biography has depicted his paradoxes so vividly. Much of French politics since his death has been about his legacy, and he remains by far the greatest French leader since Napoleon.
Airman, war hero, immigrant, law student, diplomat, novelist and celebrity spouse, Romain Gary had several lives thrust upon him by the history of the twentieth century, but he also aspired to lead many more. He wrote more than two dozen books and a score of short stories under several different names in two languages, English and French, neither of which was his mother tongue. Gary had a gift for narrative that endeared him to ordinary readers, but won him little respect among critics far more intellectual than he could ever be. His varied and entertaining writing career tells a different story about the making of modern literary culture from the one we are accustomed to hearing. Born Roman Kacew in Vilna (now Lithuania) in 1914 and raised by only his mother after his father left them, Gary rose to become French Consul General in Los Angeles and the only man ever to win the Goncourt Prize twice. This biography follows the many threads that lead from Gary's wartime adventures and early literary career to his years in Hollywood and his marriage to the actress Jean Seberg. It illuminates his works in all their incarnations, and culminates in the tale of his most brilliant deception: the fabrication of a complex identity for his most successful nom de plume, Émile Ajar. In his new portrait of Gary, David Bellos brings biographical research together with literary and cultural analysis to make sense of the many lives of Romain Gary - a hero fit for our times, as well as his own.
Nearly 40 years after the concept of finite deterrence was popularized by the Johnson administration, nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) thinking appears to be in decline. The United States has rejected the notion that threatening population centers with nuclear attacks is a legitimate way to assure deterrence. Most recently, it withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, an agreement based on MAD. American opposition to MAD also is reflected in the Bush administration's desire to develop smaller, more accurate nuclear weapons that would reduce the number of innocent civilians killed in a nuclear strike. Still, MAD is influential in a number of ways. First, other countries, like China, have not abandoned the idea that holding their adversaries' cities at risk is necessary to assure their own strategic security. Nor have U.S. and allied security officials and experts fully abandoned the idea. At a minimum, acquiring nuclear weapons is still viewed as being sensible to face off a hostile neighbor that might strike one's own cities. Thus, our diplomats have been warning China that Japan would be under tremendous pressure to go nuclear if North Korea persisted in acquiring a few crude weapons of its own. Similarly, Israeli officials have long argued, without criticism, that they would not be second in acquiring nuclear weapons in the Middle East. Indeed, given that Israelis surrounded by enemies that would not hesitate to destroy its population if they could, Washington finds Israel's retention of a significant nuclear capability totally "understandable."