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Seminar paper from the year 2005 in the subject English Language and Literature Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 2, University of W rzburg (Institut f r Anglistik und Amerikanistik), course: Zwischen Krone und Empire - Schl sselmomente britischer Kultur und Politik, 36 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: Devolution has been the major political development in Scotland of the last decade. The events leading up to it and the actual process itself have been strongly underlined through the use of old symbols and the creation of new ones. This seminar paper deals with those symbols: it will look at symbols in the awakening of a new Scottish identity, will consider the choice of buildings for a new Parliament and most importantly look at the opening of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 and 2004. The new Scottish Parliament itself is a place of strong symbolic content- the reason why this seminar paper will focus on it as well. Finally the paper will try to give an explanation for the importance and wide use of symbols in the process of Devolution in Scotland, showing how a modern Scottish identity is connected to the points described above.
The UK Government is undertaking a major cross-government programme of analysis prior to the referendum on Scottish independence in 2014. The aim is to provide a comprehensive and detailed analysis of Scotland's place in the UK. This paper, the first of a series to be published in 2013 and 2014, examines the UK's constitutional set-up and the legal implications of independence. The UK Government is convinced that the current devolution offers the best for Scotland: the Scottish Parliament and Government are empowered to take decisions on a range of domestic policy areas - such as health, education, policing - while Scotland continues to benefit from decisions made for the UK as a whole - defence and security, foreign representation, economic affairs. Independence is very different to devolution. Based on independent expert opinion (published as Annex A), the paper concludes that if there were to be a vote in favour of leaving the UK, Scotland would become an entirely new state whilst the remainder of the UK would continue as before, retaining the rights and obligations of the UK as it currently stands. Any separation would have to be negotiated between both governments. Legal and practical implications of independence, both at home and abroad, are addressed. An independent Scotland would have to apply to and/or negotiate to become a member of whichever international organisations it wished to join, including the EU and NATO. Scotland would also have to work through its positions on thousands of international treaties to which the UK is currently party.
It outlines the relative effect of each government on Scottish politics and public policy in various contexts, including: high expectations for 'new politics' that were never fully realised; the influence of, and reactions from, the media and public; the role of political parties; the Scottish Government's relations with the UK Government, ELI institutions, local government, quasi-governmental and non-governmental actors; and, the finance available to fund policy initiatives. It then considers how far Scotland has travelled on the road to constitutional change, comparing the original devolved framework with-calls for independence or a new devolution settlement.
This work asks whether England needs to find its own political voice, following devolution to Scotland and Wales. It explains the different formulations of the 'English question', and sets the answers in a historical and constitutional context.
Seminar paper from the year 2005 in the subject English Language and Literature Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 2, University of Würzburg (Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik), course: Zwischen Krone und Empire - Schlüsselmomente britischer Kultur und Politik, language: English, abstract: Devolution has been the major political development in Scotland of the last decade. The events leading up to it and the actual process itself have been strongly underlined through the use of old symbols and the creation of new ones. This seminar paper deals with those symbols: it will look at symbols in the awakening of a new Scottish identity, will consider the choice of buildings for a new Parliament and most importantly look at the opening of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 and 2004. The new Scottish Parliament itself is a place of strong symbolic content- the reason why this seminar paper will focus on it as well. Finally the paper will try to give an explanation for the importance and wide use of symbols in the process of Devolution in Scotland, showing how a modern Scottish identity is connected to the points described above.
Since the referendum, Scottish independence has been captured by conservative forces. Scotland After Britain argues for fidelity to the true meaning of the word independence. It should mean not only a break from the failing British state, but also from the prison of free trade and militarism that has delivered successive crises. Most of all, independence must honestly address the huge injustices of income, wealth and power that continue to define Scottish society, by restoring agency to working class communities and voters. Scotland After Britain shines a spotlight on pro-independence politics since Brexit and the pandemic. The Scottish national question has emerged as the biggest fracture in the British state after Brexit. The independence movement emerged from mass public disenchantment at the status quo, yet the SNP continues governing as if that disenchantment never happened, and the party leadership appears increasingly ambivalent about the risks of demanding independence. Most of all, the British state remains hostile to allowing a second referendum, while the SNP leadership has been unwilling to sanction protest beyond the ballot box. Where do we go from here? Scotland After Britain argues Brexit could force the movement to engage in a reckoning with the true stakes of independence, a process that will inevitably require a breach with the SNP's establishment vision.
"Considering an unprecedented range of literary, political and archival materials, it explores how questions of 'voice', language and identity featured in debates leading to the new Scottish Parliament in 1999"--Publisher description
An insider's account of Romania's emergence from communism control In the 1970s American attorney Alfred H. Moses was approached on the streets of Bucharest by young Jews seeking help to emigrate to Israel. This became the author's mission until the communist regime fell in 1989. Before that Moses had met periodically with Romania's communist dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu, to persuade him to allow increased Jewish emigration. This experience deepened Moses's interest in Romania—an interest that culminated in his serving as U.S. ambassador to the country from 1994 to 1997 during the Clinton administration. The ambassador's time of service in Romania came just a few years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. During this period Romania faced economic paralysis and was still buried in the rubble of communism. Over the next three years Moses helped nurture Romania's nascent democratic institutions, promoted privatization of Romania's economy, and shepherded Romania on the path toward full integration with Western institutions. Through frequent press conferences, speeches, and writings in the Romanian and Western press and in his meetings with Romanian officials at the highest level, he stated in plain language the steps Romania needed to take before it could be accepted in the West as a free and democratic country. Bucharest Diary: An American Ambassador's Journey is filled with firsthand stories, including colorful anecdotes, of the diplomacy, both public and private, that helped Romania recover from four decades of communist rule and, eventually, become a member of both NATO and the European Union. Romania still struggles today with the consequences of its history, but it has reached many of its post-communist goals, which Ambassador Moses championed at a crucial time. This book will be of special interest to readers of history and public affairs—in particular those interested in Jewish life under communist rule in Eastern Europe and how the United States and its Western partners helped rebuild an important country devastated by communism.
This book offers a fresh perspective on the question of Scotland's relationship with Britain. It challenges the standard concept of the Scots as an ancient nation whose British identity only emerged in the early modern era.
This book focuses on two key ways to improve the literature surrounding policy analysis. Firstly, it explores the implications of new developments in policy process research, on the role of psychology in communication and the multi-centric nature of policymaking. This is particularly important since policy analysts engage with policymakers who operate in an environment over which they have limited understanding and even less control. Secondly, it incorporates insights from studies of power, co-production, feminism, and decolonisation, to redraw the boundaries of policy-relevant knowledge. These insights help raise new questions and change expectations about the role and impact of policy analysis.