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In 1969, the Swedish parliament endorsed a policy of direct assistance to the liberation movements in Southern Africa. Sweden thus became the first Western country to enter into a relationship with organizations that elsewhere in the West were shunned as "Communist" or "terrorist." This book-the first in a two-volume study on Sweden & the regional struggles for majority rule & national independence-traces the background to the relationship. Presenting the actors & factors behind the support to MPLA of Angola, FRELIMO of Mozambique, SWAPO of Namibia, ZANU & ZAPU of Zimbabwe, & ANC of South Africa, it addresses the question why Sweden established close relations with the very movements that eventually would assume state power in their respective countries. The second volume (later this year) will discuss how the support was expressed, covering the period from 1970 until the democratic elections in South Africa in 1994.
In 1969, the Swedish parliament endorsed a policy of direct assistance to the liberation movements in Southern Africa. Sweden thus became the first Western country to enter into a relationship with organizations that elsewhere in the West were shunned as "Communist" or "terrorist." This book-the first in a two-volume study on Sweden & the regional struggles for majority rule & national independence-traces the background to the relationship. Presenting the actors & factors behind the support to MPLA of Angola, FRELIMO of Mozambique, SWAPO of Namibia, ZANU & ZAPU of Zimbabwe, & ANC of South Africa, it addresses the question why Sweden established close relations with the very movements that eventually would assume state power in their respective countries. The second volume (later this year) will discuss how the support was expressed, covering the period from 1970 until the democratic elections in South Africa in 1994.
The interviews in this book were conducted for the Nordic Africa Institute’s research project ‘National Liberation in Southern Africa—The role of the Nordic countries’. Around 80 representatives of the Southern African liberation movements, as well as Swedish and other opinion makers, administrators and politicians, reflect on the Nordic support to these struggles. Prominent contemporary leaders—among them Joaquim Chissano from Mozambique, Kenneth Kaunda from Zambia and Thabo Mbeki from South Africa—give their views on a relationship that largely developed outside the public arena and of which there is scant evidence in open sources. The book is a reference source to a unique North-South relationship in the Cold War period.
The book describes and documents the development of Danish support to national liberation in Southern Africa, including Namibia, and the two-sided humanitarian and political character of this support. It is based on previously restricted Danish ministry records and on NGO archives and interviews. Key questions are how Danish support was established as a purely humanitarian facility that later developed into supporting the liberation movements, and how boycott was first considered to be an issue for the individual but eventually became national policy. The study seeks to describe why support and sanctions developed in the way and at the pace they did.
Finland's special characteristics as a Nordic, non-aligned welfare state gave it the resources and motivation to support liberation movements - in spite of restrictions arising from trade interests and a reluctance to jeopardise the country's neutral image. The study shows that, although it is not an easy task, in a democracy ordinary, dedicated people can, over time, influence political decision making at its most closed and guarded area, foreign politics.
In the global context of the Cold War, the relationship between liberation movements and Eastern European states obviously changed and transformed. Similarly, forms of (material) aid and (ideological) encouragement underwent changes over time. The articles assembled in this volume argue that the traditional Cold War geography of bi-polar competition with the United States is not sufficient to fully grasp these transformations. The question of which side of the ideological divide was more successful (or lucky) in impacting actors and societies in the global south is still relevant, yet the Cold War perspective falls short in unfolding the complex geographies of connections and the multipolarity of actions and transactions that exists until today. Acknowledging the complexities of liberation movements in globalization processes, the papers thus argue that activities need to be understood in their local context, including personal agendas and internal conflicts, rather than relying primarily on the traditional frame of Cold War competition. They point to the agency of individual activists in both "Africa" and "Eastern Europe" and the lessons, practices and languages that were derived from their often contradictory encounters. In Southern African Liberation Movements, authors from South Africa, Portugal, Austria and Germany ask: What role did actors in both Southern Africa and Eastern Europe play? What can we learn by looking at biographies in a time of increasing racial and international conflict? And which "creative solutions" need to be found, to combine efforts of actors from various ideological camps? Building on archival sources from various regions in different languages, case studies presented in the edition try to encounter the lack of a coherent state of the art. They aim at combining the sometimes scarce sources with qualitative interviews to give answers to the many open questions regarding Southern African liberation movements and their connections to the "East".
The book describes and documents the development of Danish support to national liberation in Southern Africa, including Namibia, and the two-sided humanitarian and political character of this support. It is based on previously restricted Danish ministry records and on NGO archives and interviews. Key questions are how Danish support was established as a purely humanitarian facility that later developed into supporting the liberation movements, and how boycott was first considered to be an issue for the individual but eventually became national policy. The study seeks to describe why support and sanctions developed in the way and at the pace they did.