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Rogue State and its author came to sudden international attention when Osama Bin Laden quoted the book publicly in January 2006, propelling the book to the top of the bestseller charts in a matter of hours. This book is a revised and updated version of the edition Bin Laden referred to in his address.
Numerous books have attempted to assess the generational threat from Jihadist-inspired terrorism but few offer any positive advice on solutions. Islamist terrorism is today a fact of life and its potency is vividly illustrated by outrages in otherwise secure Western democracies not to mention overt ISIL aggression in the Middle East and many African States. Without a far better understanding of the Islamic religion, its beliefs, value, hierarchy (or lack of) and different sects, countering the existential threat will be greatly hindered, not to say nearly impossible. In this thoughtful book the author, who combines scholarship with gritty on-the-ground experience, examines numerous options to counter the insidious threat that faces not only Western civilization but the wider world. These range from the extremes such as deportation and internment, through the multifaceted combined actions against hate preachers, intensified intelligence work and border security to comprehensive and inclusive joint action programs. This is an important and timely book on what is today the greatest security threat, written by an acknowledged expert.
"As Madeline Albright once said, 'The United States is good. We try to do our best everywhere'. So - as the first chapter in this book asks - Why Do Terrorists Keep Picking on the United States? Some suggest it is envy or ingratitude. Maybe it is simply pure evil? Surely it can have no connection with the 40 foreign governments the US has attempted to overthrow since 1945? Or the crushing of over 30 freedom movements around the world, killing millions and destroying the hope of millions more? This well documented book, updated in response to the unfolding 'War Against Terrorism', tells a more believable story about US imperialism than you will obtain from CNN. "Rogue State" and its author came to sudden international attention when Osama Bin Laden quoted the book publicly in January 2006, propelling the book to the top of the bestseller charts in a matter of hours. This book is a revised and updated version of the edition, Bin Laden referred to in his address."--Publisher's description.
Numerous books have attempted to assess the generational threat from Jihadist-inspired terrorism but few offer any positive advice on solutions. Islamist terrorism is today a fact of life and its potency is vividly illustrated by outrages in otherwise secure Western democracies not to mention overt ISIL aggression in the Middle East and many African States. Without a far better understanding of the Islamic religion, its beliefs, value, hierarchy (or lack of) and different sects, countering the existential threat will be greatly hindered, not to say nearly impossible. In this thoughtful book the author, who combines scholarship with gritty on-the-ground experience, examines numerous options to counter the insidious threat that faces not only Western civilization but the wider world. These range from the extremes such as deportation and internment, through the multifaceted combined actions against hate preachers, intensified intelligence work and border security to comprehensive and inclusive joint action programs. This is an important and timely book on what is today the greatest security threat, written by an acknowledged expert.
This new study challenges the widely held view that many current US adversaries cannot be deterred, maintaining that deterrence is not a relic of the Cold War period and that it should shape US policies toward so-called ‘rogue states’ and terror groups. James Lebovic argues that deterrence principles continue to apply, and focuses upon the ‘three pillars’ of the Bush administration’s national security policy: missile defence, which preoccupied the administration until September 11, 2001 pre-emption, which became the US focus with the September 11 attacks and US success in overthrowing the Taliban regime in Afghanistan homeland security, which the administration has portrayed as more a natural response to threat than an aspect of policy that must be reconciled with the other pillars. Deterring International Terrorism and Rogue States asserts that bad offences and defences have been endemic to the current US policy approach, leading US policy makers to pursue policies that require them to do everything without adequate concern for resource trade-offs, overreach, and unintended consequences. This book will be of great interest to students of US foreign policy, national and international security, terrorism and international relations in general.
Over the past thirty years, while the United States has turned either a blind or dismissive eye, Iran has emerged as a nation every bit as capable of altering America’s destiny as traditional superpowers Russia and China. Indeed, one of this book’s central arguments is that, in some ways, Iran’s grip on America’s future is even tighter. As ex–CIA operative Robert Baer masterfully shows, Iran has maneuvered itself into the elite superpower ranks by exploiting Americans’ false perceptions of what Iran is—by letting us believe it is a country run by scowling religious fanatics, too preoccupied with theocratic jostling and terrorist agendas to strengthen its political and economic foundations. The reality is much more frightening—and yet contained in the potential catastrophe is an implicit political response that, if we’re bold enough to adopt it, could avert disaster. Baer’s on-the-ground sleuthing and interviews with key Middle East players—everyone from an Iranian ayatollah to the king of Bahrain to the head of Israel’s internal security—paint a picture of the centuries-old Shia nation that is starkly the opposite of the one normally drawn. For example, Iran’s hate-spouting President Ahmadinejad is by no means the true spokesman for Iranian foreign policy, nor is Iran making it the highest priority to become a nuclear player. Even so, Baer has discovered that Iran is currently engaged in a soft takeover of the Middle East, that the proxy method of war-making and co-option it perfected with Hezbollah in Lebanon is being exported throughout the region, that Iran now controls a significant portion of Iraq, that it is extending its influence over Jordan and Egypt, that the Arab Emirates and other Gulf States are being pulled into its sphere, and that it will shortly have a firm hold on the world’s oil spigot. By mixing anecdotes with information gleaned from clandestine sources, Baer superbly demonstrates that Iran, far from being a wild-eyed rogue state, is a rational actor—one skilled in the game of nations and so effective at thwarting perceived Western colonialism that even rival Sunnis relish fighting under its banner. For U.S. policy makers, the choices have narrowed: either cede the world’s most important energy corridors to a nation that can match us militarily with its asymmetric capabilities (which include the use of suicide bombers)—or deal with the devil we know. We might just find that in allying with Iran, we’ll have increased not just our own security but that of all Middle East nations.The alternative—to continue goading Iran into establishing hegemony over the Muslim world—is too chilling to contemplate.
The end of the cold war a decade ago has ushered in a greatly transformed international landscape. Instead of a pacific era of peace and political harmony, the world, and particularly the United States, has been confronted with a menacing challenge of rogue regimes whose propensity for violence is matched by their intentions to disrupt regional stability, contribute to outlaw behavior worldwide, or to possess weapons of mass destruction. Ruthless rogues also endanger American interests and citizens by their active or passive sponsorship of terrorism. If left unchecked, rogue states like Iraq, North Korea, Iran, Libya, and others will threaten innocent populations, undermine international norms, and spawn other pariah regimes, as the global order becomes tolerant of this political malignancy. As a major beneficiary of a global order of free markets, free trade, growing prosperity, and spreading democracy, the United States, the world's sole superpower, must take the lead in confronting rogue governments, even though our allies may balk from time to time. Specifically, American power should be used to enhance the credibility of our diplomacy. Law and diplomacy alone are unlikely to affect rogue dictators. They must be reinforced with power. Four broad policy options, which in most cases should be combined rather than implemented individually, can be applied: -Sanctions and isolation to achieve containment of and inflict economic damage on a rogue state -International courts and domestic prosecution to bring rogue criminals to justice -Shows of strength and armed interventions to coerce or eliminate rogue regimes -Support for opposition movements or covert operations to oust rogue figures Unless the United States addresses the challenge of rogue states with a combination of force and diplomacy, the new millennium will witness a widening of global anarchy, deteriorating progress toward economic development, and declining political reform. Dire consequences await the United States if it fails to react forcefully to international roguery.
This book develops the idea that since decolonisation, regional patterns of security have become more prominent in international politics. The authors combine an operational theory of regional security with an empirical application across the whole of the international system. Individual chapters cover Africa, the Balkans, CIS Europe, East Asia, EU Europe, the Middle East, North America, South America, and South Asia. The main focus is on the post-Cold War period, but the history of each regional security complex is traced back to its beginnings. By relating the regional dynamics of security to current debates about the global power structure, the authors unfold a distinctive interpretation of post-Cold War international security, avoiding both the extreme oversimplifications of the unipolar view, and the extreme deterritorialisations of many globalist visions of a new world disorder. Their framework brings out the radical diversity of security dynamics in different parts of the world.
How did the United States defeat the Soviet Union from its own backyard? How is China undermining freedom of the sea? Are these subversive activities new or do they reflect ancient wars? This book explores how state and non-state actors subvert one another. The core question is: why do strategies of subversion, whereby a weaker political entity undermines the dominant entity within a system to increase the weaker entity's relative power, appear to have so many commonalities across different situations and by both state and non-state actors? I theorize that underlying principles exist within all subversive strategies. This question is timely amid a rising China, aggressive Russia, rogue Iran, and a global Salafi-Jihadist insurgency. The current US National Security Strategy identifies these challenges as four of the five greatest threats to US national security. These challenges each involve entities subverting US dominance as a major component of adversary strategies. This new theory, the theory of strategic subversion, outlines fundamental principles regarding strategies of subversion to better enable policy makers and analysts to understand and respond to current security challenges. This book reviews existing literature on subversive strategies and synthesizes a new fundamental theory. The book then tests the theory of strategic subversion against four case studies: US support to the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan, Rising Athens at the onset of the Peloponnesian Wars, China's current rise, and Russian subversion.