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This book points out the legal roots of the alignment of Cross-Strait political relations and the issues of Taiwan's participation in international space, and the Treaty of San Francisco and the “Undetermined Status of Taiwan”. Based on an academic standpoint, the book studies the legal theories related to the alignment of Cross-Strait political relations and the issues of Taiwan's participation in international space from the Mainland Chinese perspective. It focuses on the different descriptions and regulations of the alignment of Cross-Strait political relations between the Mainland of China and Taiwan and discusses the status, forms, problems, and prospects of the coexistence of the two sides in the international space. Compared with the policy oaths used in current studies, the book systematically discusses the alignment of Cross-Strait political relations and the issues of Taiwan's participation in international space with a theoretical interpretation. It uses detailed historical materials, especially valuable policy documents and excerpts of speeches cited of the Mainland of China. This book puts forward a series of important propositions, such as the construction of a mechanism for Taiwan’s orderly participation in the international space and means of existence of the Taiwan region in the international space.
This report puts the issue of Taiwan’s challenges in expanding its international participation in the broader context of the cross-strait relationship and explains the policies of Taipei, Beijing, and Washington. It discusses Taiwan’s participation in international governmental and nongovernmental organizations and its progress in signing free trade agreements with other nations and joining the regional economic integration process. The report includes policy recommendations for Taiwan, Mainland China, and the United States to manage this issue in ways that protect and promote the interests of all three parties.
Despite apparently consistent statements in 4 decades, the U.S. ¿one China¿ policy concerning Taiwan remains somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations. Apart from questions about what the ¿one China¿ policy entails, issues have arisen about whether U.S. Presidents have stated clear positions and have changed or should change policy, affecting U.S. interests in security and democracy. Contents of this report: (1) U.S. Policy on ¿One China¿: Has U.S. Policy Changed?; Overview of Policy Issues; (2) Highlights of Key Statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei: Statements During the Admin. of Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Clinton, George W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama. A print on demand report.
Taiwan "is becoming the most dangerous flash point in the world for a possible war that involves the United States, China, and probably other major powers," warn Robert D. Blackwill, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Henry A. Kissinger senior fellow for U.S. foreign policy, and Philip Zelikow, University of Virginia White Burkett Miller professor of history. In a new Council Special Report, The United States, China, and Taiwan: A Strategy to Prevent War, the authors argue that the United States should change and clarify its strategy to prevent war over Taiwan. "The U.S. strategic objective regarding Taiwan should be to preserve its political and economic autonomy, its dynamism as a free society, and U.S.-allied deterrence-without triggering a Chinese attack on Taiwan." "We do not think it is politically or militarily realistic to count on a U.S. military defeat of various kinds of Chinese assaults on Taiwan, uncoordinated with allies. Nor is it realistic to presume that, after such a frustrating clash, the United States would or should simply escalate to some sort of wide-scale war against China with comprehensive blockades or strikes against targets on the Chinese mainland." "If U.S. campaign plans postulate such unrealistic scenarios," the authors add, "they will likely be rejected by an American president and by the U.S. Congress." But, they observe, "the resulting U.S. paralysis would not be the result of presidential weakness or timidity. It might arise because the most powerful country in the world did not have credible options prepared for the most dangerous military crisis looming in front of it." Proposing "a realistic strategic objective for Taiwan, and the associated policy prescriptions, to sustain the political balance that has kept the peace for the last fifty years," the authors urge the Joe Biden administration to affirm that it is not trying to change Taiwan's status; work with its allies, especially Japan, to prepare new plans that could challenge Chinese military moves against Taiwan and help Taiwan defend itself, yet put the burden of widening a war on China; and visibly plan, beforehand, for the disruption and mobilization that could follow a wider war, but without assuming that such a war would or should escalate to the Chinese, Japanese, or American homelands. "The horrendous global consequences of a war between the United States and China, most likely over Taiwan, should preoccupy the Biden team, beginning with the president," the authors conclude.
​Taiwan has been excluded from the United Nations and other organizations for which statehood is required and its presence in IGOs is mainly limited to functional and regional organizations that allow flexible models of participation, having a specific name, status and activity space in each organization. Taiwan’s exclusion from major IGOs derives from its unique international status as well as the political controversy over the representation of China in the international arena. Björn Alexander Lindemann provides a substantial analysis of the relationship between Taiwan and China in and with regard to IGOs in the time period between 2002 and 2011. Based on a neoclassical realist approach, he takes a look at the case studies of the WTO, APEC, WHO and UN, and explains Taiwan’s new IGO strategy under President Ma Ying-jeou after 2008 and its impact on Taiwan’s international space.
In a concerted effort to expand Taiwan’s presence across the Indo-Pacific, President Tsai Ing-wen has introduced the New Southbound Policy (NSP) to strengthen Taipei’s relationships with the 10 countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), six states in South Asia (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bhutan), Australia, and New Zealand. The policy is designed to leverage Taiwan’s cultural, educational, technological, agricultural, and economic assets to enhance Taiwan’s regional integration. This report tracks the ongoing implementation of the NSP and assesses what has been achieved since Tsai was elected in January 2016.
This book is a pioneering analysis of the deliberative systems approach in Taiwan, extending an understanding of Taiwanese democratic politics and consolidating links between theoretical development and a practical application of deliberative practices. As a front-runner of new democracies in Asia and a relatively open society, Taiwan provides a model for deliberative governance, with a view towards institutional innovation and increasing democratisation. This book considers how components within the intricate web of micro- and macro- deliberative systems perform different functions, complement each other, and contribute both to policy change and democratic innovation. Specific cases are provided – such as participatory budgeting in Taipei City and the government-academia alliance model – to demonstrate the long-term systemic effects of mini-publics and citizen actions. In addition, the book proposes the possibility of deliberative democracy for other countries in the world, alongside various policy issues, including mini-publics, e-participation, co-governance, citizen science, negotiation mechanisms, and the deliberative practices of indigenous peoples. Deliberative Democracy in Taiwan will appeal to students and scholars of East Asian studies, Taiwanese politics, political science and social movement studies.
An insider's account of Romania's emergence from communism control In the 1970s American attorney Alfred H. Moses was approached on the streets of Bucharest by young Jews seeking help to emigrate to Israel. This became the author's mission until the communist regime fell in 1989. Before that Moses had met periodically with Romania's communist dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu, to persuade him to allow increased Jewish emigration. This experience deepened Moses's interest in Romania—an interest that culminated in his serving as U.S. ambassador to the country from 1994 to 1997 during the Clinton administration. The ambassador's time of service in Romania came just a few years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. During this period Romania faced economic paralysis and was still buried in the rubble of communism. Over the next three years Moses helped nurture Romania's nascent democratic institutions, promoted privatization of Romania's economy, and shepherded Romania on the path toward full integration with Western institutions. Through frequent press conferences, speeches, and writings in the Romanian and Western press and in his meetings with Romanian officials at the highest level, he stated in plain language the steps Romania needed to take before it could be accepted in the West as a free and democratic country. Bucharest Diary: An American Ambassador's Journey is filled with firsthand stories, including colorful anecdotes, of the diplomacy, both public and private, that helped Romania recover from four decades of communist rule and, eventually, become a member of both NATO and the European Union. Romania still struggles today with the consequences of its history, but it has reached many of its post-communist goals, which Ambassador Moses championed at a crucial time. This book will be of special interest to readers of history and public affairs—in particular those interested in Jewish life under communist rule in Eastern Europe and how the United States and its Western partners helped rebuild an important country devastated by communism.
In this newly revised and updated edition of Taiwan: Nation-State or Province? John F. Copper examines Taiwan's geography and history, society and culture, economy, political system, and foreign and security policies in the context of Taiwan's uncertain political status as either a sovereign nation or a province of the People's Republic of China. Copper argues that Taiwan's very rapid and successful democratization suggests Taiwan should be independent and separate from China, while economic links between Taiwan and China indicate the opposite. New to the sixth edition is enhanced coverage of the issues of immigration; the impact of having the world's lowest birthrate; China's economic and military rise and America's decline; Taiwan's relations with China, the United States, and Japan; and the KMT's (Nationalist Party) return to power. The new edition will also examine the implications of the 2012 presidential election. A selected bibliography guides students in further research.
The years of the Ma Ying-jiu presidency in Taiwan were controversial from the beginning. When he came to power in 2008, Ma was considered the strongest and most popular KMT presidential candidate since Lee Teng-hui. However, his rapprochement towards China met with increasing resistance and by the time he stepped down in 2016, he enjoyed the lowest support rates of any incumbent president. What happened in between? This book undertakes a balanced empirical assessment of the achievements and failures of the Ma Ying-jiu era. Renowned Taiwan scholars analyse the changing political environment that shaped the Ma presidency, covering important topics such as Taiwan’s evolving nationalism and rising civil societal activism, cross-strait economic integration and migration, and the factors determining its ‘international space’. As the first comprehensive scholarly work on the Ma Ying-jiu presidency, this books is a must read for students and scholars of Taiwanese politics and society, cross-strait relations and East Asian politics in general.