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Provides a new perspective on the struggle against apartheid, and contributes to key debates in South African history, gender inequality, sexual violence, and the legacies of the liberation struggle.
Transnational Histories of Southern Africa’s Liberation Movements offers new perspectives on southern Africa’s wars of national liberation, drawing on extensive oral historical and archival research. Assuming neither the primacy of nationalist loyalties as they exist today nor any single path to liberation, the book unpicks any notion of a straightforward imposition of Cold War ideologies or strategic interests on liberation wars. This approach adds new dimensions to the rich literatures on the Global Cold War and on solidarity movements. The contributors trace the ways that ideas and practices were made, adopted, and circulated through time and space through a focus on African soldiers, politicians and diplomats. The book also asks what motivated the men and women who crossed borders to join liberation movements, how Cold War influences were acted upon, interpreted and used, and why certain moments, venues and relations took on exaggerated importance. The connections among liberation movements, between them and their hosts, and across an extraordinarily diverse set of external actors reveal surprising exchanges and lasting legacies that have too often been obscured by the assertion of monolithic national histories. Tracing an extraordinarily diverse set of interactions and exchanges, Transnational Histories of Southern Africa’s Liberation Movements will be of great interest to scholars of Southern Africa, Transnational History, the Cold War and African Politics. The chapters were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Southern African Studies.
Analyses the ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe, SWAPO in Namibia and the ANC in South Africa and to what extent their promises of democracy have been effected in government.
In the global context of the Cold War, the relationship between liberation movements and Eastern European states obviously changed and transformed. Similarly, forms of (material) aid and (ideological) encouragement underwent changes over time. The articles assembled in this volume argue that the traditional Cold War geography of bi-polar competition with the United States is not sufficient to fully grasp these transformations. The question of which side of the ideological divide was more successful (or lucky) in impacting actors and societies in the global south is still relevant, yet the Cold War perspective falls short in unfolding the complex geographies of connections and the multipolarity of actions and transactions that exists until today. Acknowledging the complexities of liberation movements in globalization processes, the papers thus argue that activities need to be understood in their local context, including personal agendas and internal conflicts, rather than relying primarily on the traditional frame of Cold War competition. They point to the agency of individual activists in both "Africa" and "Eastern Europe" and the lessons, practices and languages that were derived from their often contradictory encounters. In Southern African Liberation Movements, authors from South Africa, Portugal, Austria and Germany ask: What role did actors in both Southern Africa and Eastern Europe play? What can we learn by looking at biographies in a time of increasing racial and international conflict? And which "creative solutions" need to be found, to combine efforts of actors from various ideological camps? Building on archival sources from various regions in different languages, case studies presented in the edition try to encounter the lack of a coherent state of the art. They aim at combining the sometimes scarce sources with qualitative interviews to give answers to the many open questions regarding Southern African liberation movements and their connections to the "East".
The post-1959 Cuban government’s engagement with Africa, which was led by its charismatic and revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro, had two connecting dimensions: military internationalism and humanitarian internationalism. While African states and societies benefited immensely from these engagements, it was Fidel Castro’s military assistance towards the decolonization of and the pushback of Apartheid South Africa that received the loudest attention and ovation in the developing world. Fidel Castro, this book argues, was never motivated by economic, selfish, or geopolitical considerations; but rather, by the altruism and the certainty of his worldview and by the historical connection between the peoples of Cuba and Africa. The principle of international solidary, socialism, and the emancipation of Africa was a much-desired aspiration and attainment. Beginning covertly in Algeria in 1961 and the Congo and Guinea-Bissau in 1964; and more conspicuously in Angola in 1975, Fidel Castro and his socialist government was at the forefront supporting liberation movements in their struggle against colonialism. Defining Castro’s engagement with Africa was his support for the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) against the United States-backed Apartheid South Africa, which supported the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).
This book explores the role of social movements in the Southern African liberation struggle, through the lens of two ‘everyday communists’. Focusing on the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), the author explores the lives of Ivan and Lesley Schermbrucker, whose contribution to the party was more clandestine than that of leaders such as Bram Fischer and Joe Slovo. They represent how ‘ordinary’ people could play significant roles based on stances more rooted in common decency and morality than in Marxist theory. The book also sheds light on the interplay between transnational and national tendencies during the liberation movement, particularly between the 1940s and the 1960s. The Schermbruckers changed their views in response to the shifting national and international political landscape, the rise of Stalinism, and the flight of South African activists into exile from the 1960s. Both fluent in African languages, they were able to create relationships of trust with African members of the CPSA. Examining tensions and conflicts during the liberation struggle, this book provides fresh insights into ‘underground’ activism.
"This work is based on the research supported by the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences"--Title page verso.
Probing beyond the heroic portrayals of armed struggles and nationalist resistance, this collection of essays illustrates the intertwined histories of Southern African liberation struggles and those of regional and international solidarity movements, beginning in the 1960s through the establishment of a non-racial democracy in South Africa in 1994. As this collection seeks to present more nuanced accounts of the solidarity movements that flourished alongside the liberation and exile movements -- such as the British-based Anti-Apartheid Movement -it draws together internal and external struggles in exile. Unique and detailed, it offers new insights into the relationships that exiles and guerrillas developed with host societies and solidarity organisations, both within the southern African region and in the United Kingdom.
The Stories of the Liberation Struggles in South Africa: Mpumalanga Province is a book about the struggles of the South African people (black, Indian, and colored) when they defied and resisted oppression and apartheid from the white South African government in the pre-1994 era. To ensure dominance over other race groups and the entrenchment of oppression and apartheid, the white South African government applied many tactics. These included dividing people along racial lines, such as, securing separate living areas for whites, black, Cloureds, and Indians. The government further divided the black people into ethnic groups such as Zulu, Xhosa, and Pedi. This was to ensure that the black people were confined to what was called homelands or Bantustans. The apartheid government also promulgated laws that were aimed at discriminating and undermining the freedom and integrity of the black people, such as The Group Areas Act and others. There was also state of emergencies, which were often declared to ensure that the iron fist of apartheid and oppression remained clenched. During these state of emergencies, many black people died, were maimed, or brutally injured, and some also disappeared forever. When the apartheid government went further to enforce that the Afrikaans language should be the official language at all schools, then they found that they have committed the greatest error. The students opposed it. Violence erupted from the Soweto schools, and it spread to all other township. The stories in Part 1 and Part 2 of the books are about the liberation stories of the struggles in South Africa, Mpumalanga province, which touches amongst others, on the toils, the trials, the troubles, and the perils that the youths, especially, had to undergo during that time. Many youths skipped the country to do military training in order to force the apartheid government to go to the negotiation table for freedom and democracy for all; others waged battles within the country. At many instances, they fought against the might of the South African police armed with rubber bullet, teargas, and live ammunition whilst only armed with stones and dustbin lid as their shields. Many were arrested. Many died in detention. Many died, and there was funeral after funeral when the youths went out to bury their dead. Sometimes when they return from the funerals, they would suffer other casualties. This was a vicious circle of funeral after funeral, but the youths (called the young lions) never gave up. There are, of course, other instances when the youth fought the establishment of homelands or the third force elements (impimpis or askaris), which worked with the system. There are, of course, other cases of youths who also fought with local business people because these were perceived to be working with their enemies (the white government). Sad to say, the stories herein also reveal some orgies of the youths fighting and killing people (especially the elderly) who were perceived to be witches. All these stories are true experiences from the contributors.
Ruth First and Joe Slovo, husband and wife, were leaders of the war to end apartheid in South Africa. Communists, scholars, parents, and uncompromising militants, they were the perfect enemies for the white police state. Together they were swept up in the growing resistance to apartheid, and together they experienced repression and exile. Their contributions to the liberation struggle, as individuals and as a couple, are undeniable. Ruth agitated tirelessly for the overthrow of apartheid, first in South Africa and then from abroad, and Joe directed much of the armed struggle carried out by the famous Umkhonto we Sizwe. Only one of them, however, would survive to see the fall of the old regime and the founding of a new, democratic South Africa. This book, the first extended biography of Ruth First and Joe Slovo, is a remarkable account of one couple and the revolutionary moment in which they lived. Alan Wieder’s deeply researched work draws on the usual primary and secondary sources but also an extensive oral history that he has collected over many years. By weaving the documentary record together with personal interviews, Wieder portrays the complexities and contradictions of this extraordinary couple and their efforts to navigate a time of great tension, upheaval, and revolutionary hope.