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Border trade between India and China was closed shortly before the IndiaChina war of 1962. The growing tensions between the two countries due to border issues along with India’s stand to give refuge to the Dalai Lama added fuel to fire. There was about a decade and a half long Cold War like situation that existed between the two countries. Relations began to normalise from the mid1970’s. On 16 December 1991, India and China signed a memorandum of understanding on resumption of Border Trade. It was decided initially it would be carried out at one point across the Uttar PradeshTibet border through the Lipulekh pass. This was followed by the reopening of Border Trade in 1992. Two years down the line a second trading point was reopened across Himachal PradeshTibet border through the Shipki La. Later in 2006, Nathu La pass was reopened in Sikkim as per the agreement signed between India and China in 2003. In the decade that has followed, few of the expectations that the people in the Sikkim region had from the opening of this route has materialised. This work deals primarily with the nature of the border trade across the Nathu La, the expectations the people had from it, and humble for suggestions for attaining them.
At present, collecting and analyzing data from inside Myanmar remains notoriously difficult. There is, therefore, a non-Myanmar approach towards the majority of studies on Myanmar. This is especially the case when dealing with informal or illegal trade within the country’s territory. IRASEC and the Observatory on Illicit Trafficking wanted to fill this gap by giving the floor to Professor Winston Set Aung, the founder and the director of the Asia Development Research Institute, and director of the Asia Language and Business Academy in Myanmar. He is also an MBA lecturer at the Institute of Economics in Yangon and is involved in several international and regional research programs in partnership with various research institutes including the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand; Tokyo University, Japan; and the Institute for Security and Development Policy of Sweden, Stockholm Environmental Institute. The focus of Professor Winston Set Aung’s study is to provide a Myanmar-centric perspective on informal or illegal trade. The author offers an analysis regarding the process of informal exchanges through a pragmatic and non-contextualized critique. The causes of informal and illegal exchanges are identified and described without commenting on their origins. This intentional, measured, and calculated conservative perspective enables us to think on how to best use these flows in the current political situation in Myanmar. It seems therefore useful and relevant to make this data available to our readers.
Following the end of the Cold War, the economic reforms in the early 1990s, and ensuing impressive growth rates, India has emerged as a leading voice in global affairs, particularly on international economic issues. Its domestic market is fast-growing and India is becoming increasingly important to global geo-strategic calculations, at a time when it has been outperforming many other growing economies, and is the only Asian country with the heft to counterbalance China. Indeed, so much is India defined internationally by its economic performance (and challenges) that other dimensions of its internal situation, notably relevant to security, and of its foreign policy have been relatively neglected in the existing literature. This handbook presents an innovative, high profile volume, providing an authoritative and accessible examination and critique of Indian foreign policy. The handbook brings together essays from a global team of leading experts in the field to provide a comprehensive study of the various dimensions of Indian foreign policy.
The changing situation in Myanmar creates new opportunities for deepening India-Myanmar relations. Owing to its strategic position, Myanmar is connecting Asia’s three big markets – ASEAN, China and India. Myanmar forms a land-bridge connecting South Asia with Southeast Asia. But, country’s underdeveloped infrastructure, institutional and business environment seriously limit participation of Myanmar into the global economy. However, Myanmar has the potential to become another dynamic growth centre of Asia if it develops a stronger and improved connectivity with the neighbouring countries. Opening-up and strengthening the connectivity with neighbouring countries such as India would also speed-up its development process. We should see connectivity through Myanmar as crucial for India’s Look East Policy and deepening economic integration with ASEAN, China and beyond. This article deals with physical connectivity links between India and Myanmar. Specifically, it presents current status of all major modes of transportation links between India and Myanmar, and discusses the challenges and prospects. Besides, it also presents Myanmar’s selected connectivity projects with neighbouring China and Thailand. Finally, this study draws an action plan for implementation of connectivity projects in Myanmar.
This Book Is The Result Of An Attempt Made To Assess The Nature Of Trading Activities Across The Borders Between India`S North-East And Neighbouring Countries. Attempts Have Been Made To Understand As To Whether There Exists Any Basis For Trade In Terms Of Compatibility Between The Resource/Production Structure Of The North-Eastern Region And The Demand Structure Of The Neighbouring Countries, Particularly Bangladesh And Myanmar, With Whom India Is Having Significant Trade Relations.
China and India's new-found interest in trade and investment with Africa - home to 300 million of the globe's poorest people and the world's most formidable development challenge - presents a significant opportunity for growth and integration of theSub-Saharan continent into the global economy. Africa's Silk Road finds that China and India's South-South commerce with Africa isabout far more than natural resources, opening the way for Africato become a processor of commodities and a competitive supplier of goods and services to these countries - a major departure from its long established relations with the North. A growing number of Chinese and Indian businesses active in Africa operate on a global scale, work with world-class technologies, produce products and services according to the most demanding standards, and foster the integration of African businesses into advanced markets.There are significant imbalances, however, in these emerging commercial relationships. These can be addressed through a series of reforms in all countries: 'At-the-border' reforms, such as elimination of China and India's escalating tariffs on Africa's leading exports, and elimination ofAfrica's tariffs on certain inputs that make exports uncompetitive 'Behind-the-border' reforms in Africa, to unleash competitive market forces and strengthen its basic market institutions 'Between-the-border' improvements in trade facilitation mechanisms to decrease transactions costs Reforms that leverage linkages between investment and trade, toallow African businesses to participate in global productionnetworks that investments by Chinese and Indian firms can generate.
This book analyzes the performance and impact of the India–Sri Lanka free trade agreement over the past decade and suggests the way forward. India became an important source of imports for Sri Lanka immediately after the implementation of the free trade agreement. Bilateral trade between the countries increased steadily thereafter, with Sri Lankan commodities finding a large market in India. The composition of trade also changed with an increased number of new goods being traded. The book computes indices and suggests scope for deepening economic cooperation between the two countries by pruning the negative lists for trade in goods, identifying potential investment, and suggesting policies for expanding cooperation in services.
The Mumbai blasts of 1993, the attack on the Indian Parliament in 2001, Mumbai 26/11—cross-border terrorism has continued unabated. What can India do to motivate Pakistan to do more to prevent such attacks? In the nuclear times that we live in, where a military counter-attack could escalate to destruction beyond imagination, overt warfare is clearly not an option. But since outright peace-making seems similarly infeasible, what combination of coercive pressure and bargaining could lead to peace? The authors provide, for the first time, a comprehensive assessment of the violent and non-violent options available to India for compelling Pakistan to take concrete steps towards curbing terrorism originating in its homeland. They draw on extensive interviews with senior Indian and Pakistani officials, in service and retired, to explore the challenges involved in compellence and to show how non-violent coercion combined with clarity on the economic, social and reputational costs of terrorism can better motivate Pakistan to pacify groups involved in cross-border terrorism. Not War, Not Peace? goes beyond the much discussed theories of nuclear deterrence and counterterrorism strategy to explore a new approach to resolving old conflicts.