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Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 provides a comprehensive history of the more than 120 African Americans who have served in the United States Congress from 1870 through 2007. Individual profiles are introduced by contextual essays that explain major events in congressional and U.S. history. Illustrated with many portraits, photographs, and charts. House Document 108-224. 3d edition. Edited by Matthew Wasniewski. Paperback edition. Questions that are answered include: How many African Americans have served in the U.S. Congress? How did Reconstruction, the Great Migration, and the post-World War II civil rights movement affect black Members of Congress? Who was the first African American to chair a congressional committee? Read about: Pioneers who overcame racial barriers, such as Oscar De Priest of Illinois, the first African American elected to Congress in the 20th century, and Shirley Chisholm of New York, the first black CongresswomanMasters of institutional politics, such as Augustus "Gus" Hawkins of California, Louis Stokes of Ohio, and Julian Dixon of CaliforniaNotables such as Civil War hero Robert Smalls of South Carolina, civil rights champion Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., of New York, and constitutional scholar Barbara Jordan of TexasAnd many more. Black Americans in Congress also includes: Pictures-including rarely seen historical images-of each African American who has served in CongressBibliographies and references to manuscript collections for each MemberStatistical graphs and chartsA comprehensive index Other related products: African Americans resources collection can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/catalog/african-americans Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774-2005 can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-071-01418-7 Women in Congress, 1917-2006 --Hardcover format can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-070-07480-9 United States Congressional Serial Set, Serial No. 14903, House Document No. 223, Women in Congress, 1917-2006 is available here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/552-108-00040-0 Hispanic Americans in Congress, 1822-2012 --Print Hardcover format can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-071-01563-9 --Print Paperback format can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-071-01567-1 --ePub format available for Free download is available here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-300-00008-8 --MOBI format is available for Free download here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-300-00010-0
A study of how Air Force enlisted personnel helped shape the fi%ture Air Force and foster professionalism among noncommissioned officers in the 195Os.
Excerpt from Speech of Hon. William B. Stokes, of Tennessee, on the State of the Union: Delivered in the House of Representatives, February 1, 1861 In 1849, the Democratic party in Maine held a State Convention, at which Hon. John Hubbard was nominated for Governor. This Convention was composed of six hundred delegates, at which the following resolution was passed, only one solitary member voting against it. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
Excerpt from State of the Union: Speech of Hon. Emerson Etheridge, of Tennessee, Delivered in the House of Representatives, Jan, 23, 1861 Mr. Etheridge said: Mr. Speaker, I have frequently had occasion to express my opinions in regard to matters of grave public concern, and I have often done so at the risk of imputations upon my political integrity. I have too frequently found that many of those with whom I differed, have indulged in censure of my acts, and imputed even treason to my motives. In a contest like this, involving as it does, the existence of the Government, and the preservation of popular freedom; arousing as it does, the fiercest passions of rival and contending parties, a man must be at once for or against his whole country. It matters not under what banner he arrays himself, those upon the opposite side will attach to him the most selfish and treasonable aims. I say, therefore, in advance, that in whatever I may now say upon the subject under consideration, I shall not seek to evade any responsibilities of that kind. I shall not attempt to speak merely to avoid censure, or by affectation or hypocrisy to court commendation. In what I say, I shall be bound by a strict regard for truth. The opinions I shall avow are those sanctioned by observation and experience; they have the approval of my heart. And the facts to which I shall refer, will, I am sure, be sustained by the unquestioned truths of history. Sir, if I had a jury of twelve honest and unpretending men sworn well and truly to try the issues joined between the contending factions - a jury belonging to no political party, and without other motive than a desire to subserve the best interests of their country - I could, by submitting a plain statement of undisputed facts, have a prompt and unanimous verdict in favor of preserving the Union of these States. Unfortunately, sir, we cannot here, and now, get a disinterested jury; but it is consoling to know that time will soon adjourn all these difficult questions to the arbitrament of all the people, who, with no other weapon that the ballot-box, will be able to arrest revolution and save the country. If, for the last year or two, the men and women of this country could have observed the deliberations of this body; could have seen each member as he is, and witnessed your daily proceedings, they would instantly rise up all over the country, and arrest the tide of revolution, which is threatening to involve us all in one common ruin. There are thirty millions of people whose piace and happiness, whose very existence is involved in these grave issues. This House is composed of but two hundred and thirty-six members, some of whom, doubtless, have reached their present position by the merest accidents. It may be safely assumed that each member of this body represents, among his immediate constituents, more than that number of statesmen - statesmen, perhaps, our superiors in wisdom and moderation, yet we are to be told in this day of fearful precipitation, that because forsooth, Congress, elected as it has been, without reference to the issues now before us, cannot, or will not, instantly do something to stay the tide of revolution, therefore, there is no hope for the country. I say, again, could the people behold those who are now around me, could they see them when under their alternate hopes and fears - the hopes inspired by the "Tribune," or the fears aroused by the thunderings of the "Herald,"-[Laughter.] could they see and know all these things, as they really are, their good sense would cause them to reject with scorn, the idea of hazarding, finally and forever, the peace of the country alone upon the deliberations of such a body? Can it be possible that we hold the final destinies of such a people, and such a country in our hands alone ? I answer, no; such an imputation is a libel upon the good sense of the millions who are resolved to preserve the institutions our ancestors ...
'...from time to time a study comes along that truly can be called ‘path breaking,’ ‘seminal,’ ‘essential,’ a ‘must read.’ How the Irish Became White is such a study.' John Bracey, W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies, University of Massachussetts, Amherst The Irish came to America in the eighteenth century, fleeing a homeland under foreign occupation and a caste system that regarded them as the lowest form of humanity. In the new country – a land of opportunity – they found a very different form of social hierarchy, one that was based on the color of a person’s skin. Noel Ignatiev’s 1995 book – the first published work of one of America’s leading and most controversial historians – tells the story of how the oppressed became the oppressors; how the new Irish immigrants achieved acceptance among an initially hostile population only by proving that they could be more brutal in their oppression of African Americans than the nativists. This is the story of How the Irish Became White.
The Civil War hardly scratched the Confederate state of Texas. Thousands of Texans died on battlefields hundreds of miles to the east, of course, but the war did not destroy Texas's farms or plantations or her few miles of railroads. Although unchallenged from without, Confederate Texans faced challenges from within—from fellow Texans who opposed their cause. Dissension sprang from a multitude of seeds. It emerged from prewar political and ethnic differences; it surfaced after wartime hardships and potential danger wore down the resistance of less-than-enthusiastic rebels; it flourished, as some reaped huge profits from the bizarre war economy of Texas. Texas Divided is neither the history of the Civil War in Texas, nor of secession or Reconstruction. Rather, it is the history of men dealing with the sometimes fragmented southern society in which they lived—some fighting to change it, others to preserve it—and an examination of the lines that divided Texas and Texans during the sectional conflict of the nineteenth century.
This two-volume collection of newspapers is one of the most important Civil War publications ever produced, and it brings the events of the war vividly in focus. A unique, of-the-moment perspective, it begins with the Nat Turner slave insurrection and covers every battle -- many by the local papers for a truly firsthand, up-close view. Lincoln's election, inauguration, and assassination are given full coverage. Caren's extensive collection includes many extremely rare Southern editions which would never be seen except in this remarkable publication. Loaded with engravings depicting battles, military leaders, and maps, this is an absolutely essential addition to any enthusiast's collection.