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In this powerful speech, Emerson Etheridge raises his voice in opposition to secession and calls for unity in the face of the growing crisis that would soon lead to the Civil War. With stirring language and a deep belief in the strength of the American union, Etheridge reminds his fellow legislators of the stakes of their decisions. This historical document is an important reminder of the courage and conviction needed to stand up for one's beliefs, even in the face of great opposition. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Excerpt from State of the Union: Speech of Hon. Emerson Etheridge, of Tennessee, Delivered in the House of Representatives, Jan, 23, 1861 Mr. Etheridge said: Mr. Speaker, I have frequently had occasion to express my opinions in regard to matters of grave public concern, and I have often done so at the risk of imputations upon my political integrity. I have too frequently found that many of those with whom I differed, have indulged in censure of my acts, and imputed even treason to my motives. In a contest like this, involving as it does, the existence of the Government, and the preservation of popular freedom; arousing as it does, the fiercest passions of rival and contending parties, a man must be at once for or against his whole country. It matters not under what banner he arrays himself, those upon the opposite side will attach to him the most selfish and treasonable aims. I say, therefore, in advance, that in whatever I may now say upon the subject under consideration, I shall not seek to evade any responsibilities of that kind. I shall not attempt to speak merely to avoid censure, or by affectation or hypocrisy to court commendation. In what I say, I shall be bound by a strict regard for truth. The opinions I shall avow are those sanctioned by observation and experience; they have the approval of my heart. And the facts to which I shall refer, will, I am sure, be sustained by the unquestioned truths of history. Sir, if I had a jury of twelve honest and unpretending men sworn well and truly to try the issues joined between the contending factions - a jury belonging to no political party, and without other motive than a desire to subserve the best interests of their country - I could, by submitting a plain statement of undisputed facts, have a prompt and unanimous verdict in favor of preserving the Union of these States. Unfortunately, sir, we cannot here, and now, get a disinterested jury; but it is consoling to know that time will soon adjourn all these difficult questions to the arbitrament of all the people, who, with no other weapon that the ballot-box, will be able to arrest revolution and save the country. If, for the last year or two, the men and women of this country could have observed the deliberations of this body; could have seen each member as he is, and witnessed your daily proceedings, they would instantly rise up all over the country, and arrest the tide of revolution, which is threatening to involve us all in one common ruin. There are thirty millions of people whose piace and happiness, whose very existence is involved in these grave issues. This House is composed of but two hundred and thirty-six members, some of whom, doubtless, have reached their present position by the merest accidents. It may be safely assumed that each member of this body represents, among his immediate constituents, more than that number of statesmen - statesmen, perhaps, our superiors in wisdom and moderation, yet we are to be told in this day of fearful precipitation, that because forsooth, Congress, elected as it has been, without reference to the issues now before us, cannot, or will not, instantly do something to stay the tide of revolution, therefore, there is no hope for the country. I say, again, could the people behold those who are now around me, could they see them when under their alternate hopes and fears - the hopes inspired by the "Tribune," or the fears aroused by the thunderings of the "Herald,"-[Laughter.] could they see and know all these things, as they really are, their good sense would cause them to reject with scorn, the idea of hazarding, finally and forever, the peace of the country alone upon the deliberations of such a body? Can it be possible that we hold the final destinies of such a people, and such a country in our hands alone ? I answer, no; such an imputation is a libel upon the good sense of the millions who are resolved to preserve the institutions our ancestors ...