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Excerpt from Speech of Hon. A. P. Butler, of South Carolina, on the Difficulty of Messrs. Brooks and Sumner, and the Causes Thereof: Delivered in the Senate of the United States, June 12-13, 1856 I have made these remarks upon the character of the speech. He may regard them as criticism'. Whether my criticism be one that will be adopt ed by the public, or such as will address itself to the good taste and good sense of this audience, I know not. I have given the convictions of my mind. After these remarks upon the character of the speech, I come to make my points; and Iwill maintain them, not by general charges without specifications; not by that proclivity to error and falsehood which the Senator so decently imputed to me; not by general declamation from which he can take refuge in his own authority; but I will prove them by documents beyond all question. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
This book provides a transcript of a speech given by A. P. Butler discussing the conflict between two US congressmen and the underlying causes. It offers insight into the political atmosphere of the mid-19th century in the US. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
One hundred and fifty years after Kansas was admitted to the Union, we still find ourselves fascinated by the specter of "Bleeding Kansas" and the violence that preceded the American Civil War by five years. Although ample attention has been devoted to understanding why territorial violence broke out in Kansas in 1856, of equal concern but less illuminated is the question of why government, both local and national, allowed the violence to continue unstanched for so long. This question is fundamentally about governance-its existence, exercise, limits, and continuance-and its study has ramifications for understanding both Kansas events and why the American experiment in government failed in 1861. In addition, the book also sheds light on the nature of democracy, the challenges of implanting it in distant environs, the necessity of cooperation at the various levels of government, and the value of strong leadership. To Govern the Devil in Hell uses the prism of governance to investigate what went wrong in territorial Kansas. From the first elections in late 1854 and early 1855, local government was tarnished with cries of illegitimacy that territorial officials could not ameliorate. Soon after, a shadow government was created which further impeded local management of territorial challenges. Ultimately, this book addresses why Presidents Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan failed to act, what hindered Congress from stepping into the void, and why and how the lack of effective governance harmed Kansas and later the United States.
In this comprehensive analysis of politics and ideology in antebellum South Carolina, Manisha Sinha offers a provocative new look at the roots of southern separatism and the causes of the Civil War. Challenging works that portray secession as a fight for white liberty, she argues instead that it was a conservative, antidemocratic movement to protect and perpetuate racial slavery. Sinha discusses some of the major sectional crises of the antebellum era--including nullification, the conflict over the expansion of slavery into western territories, and secession--and offers an important reevaluation of the movement to reopen the African slave trade in the 1850s. In the process she reveals the central role played by South Carolina planter politicians in developing proslavery ideology and the use of states' rights and constitutional theory for the defense of slavery. Sinha's work underscores the necessity of integrating the history of slavery with the traditional narrative of southern politics. Only by taking into account the political importance of slavery, she insists, can we arrive at a complete understanding of southern politics and the enormity of the issues confronting both northerners and southerners on the eve of the Civil War.
Although he was a central figure in one of the seminal events of American history, the May 1856 “Caning” of Senator Charles Sumner, Preston Brooks remains largely a forgotten figure, one in whom even professional historians have shown little interest. However, while Preston Brooks remains, as described by one historian, “an obscure and enigmatic individual”, there is no denying his place in history. The “Caning of Sumner” was one of the most notorious incidents of the nineteenth century, one that not only inflamed the passions of both North and South but rapidly hastened the process of disunion. As a principal actor in that event, Preston Brooks warrants a greater degree of historical scrutiny than he has heretofore received. To date, only a handful of published material exists on Preston Brooks, nearly all of which has dealt with the assault upon Charles Sumner, while ignoring virtually every other aspect of Brooks’ life. This book addresses this oversight through an in-depth examination of Brooks’s life, beginning with his youth in up-country South Carolina and concluding with his premature death, at age thirty-seven, in a Washington, DC hotel room. Certain to appeal to both professional scholars as well as to general readers of history, the book offers a unique perspective on one of history’s most compelling, yet controversial, figures while providing key insights into Brooks’s character and the motives that drove him to attack Charles Sumner.
In the mid-19th century, rhetoric surrounding slavery was permeated by violence. Slavery’s defenders often used brute force to suppress opponents, and even those abolitionists dedicated to pacifism drew upon visions of widespread destruction. Provocative Eloquence recounts how the theater, long an arena for heightened eloquence and physical contest, proved terribly relevant in the lead up to the Civil War. As antislavery speech and open conflict intertwined, the nation became a stage. The book brings together notions of intertextuality and interperformativity to understand how the confluence of oratorical and theatrical practices in the antebellum period reflected the conflict over slavery and deeply influenced the language that barely contained that conflict. The book draws on a wide range of work in performance studies, theater history, black performance theory, oratorical studies, and literature and law to provide a new narrative of the interaction of oratorical, theatrical, and literary histories of the nineteenth-century U.S.