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Contents: Southeastern Europe: the unlikely security community? Environmental security in Southeastern Europe: a basis for regional co-operation; Russian in the Transcaucasus and Kosovo: from insecurity to security provider?; Churches and (in) security providers in Southeastern Europe; Bulgaria and the disintegration of Yugoslavia: between ethnic affinity and international commitment; regional implications of a failed transition to democracy: the case of Serbia; The internationalisation of conflict in the Transcaucasus and the former Yugoslavia; The OSCE security model for the Balkans: a viable model for the 21st century?; Lessons from UN Peacekeeping in Cyprus; Srebenica: The failure and future of safe areas; Conflict management in Southeastern Europe: the use of force as a last resort; The Georgian-Abkhazian conflict: failed realpolitik with moralistic justifications?; Rethinking the concept of peace-building: Bosnia and the lessons for Kosovo; Kosovo and the international community; Index.
In this book, leading academics and policy practitioners develop approaches for managing critical contemporary and emerging security challenges for South East Europe. They attempt to conceptualize and realize security as a cooperative endeavour for collective good, in contrast to security narratives driven by power and national egotism.
Highlights from the 25-27 1999 conference.
For most countries, security today is primarily measured in non-military terms and threats to security are non-military in nature. These threats include incompetent government, corruption, organized crime, insecure borders, smuggling, illegal migration, ethnic and religious conflict, and, of course, terrorism.
Oswald argues that European security autonomy will lead to a more balanced transatlantic partnership, even though American military might will remain far superior. As U.S. leaders indicate a willingness to disengage from their former European protectorate, the Europeanization of Europe's own security needs—their ability to take care of their own crises—will proceed apace. An understanding of this process is key to an American foreign policy that recognizes Europe as a strategic actor in its own right, an indispensable ally with its own military and nonmilitary instruments of crisis management. At the end of the Cold War with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the postcommunist transformation of Central and Eastern Europe, the U.S.-led NATO alliance found itself without its erstwhile primary enemy. While NATO found new purpose as guarantor of stability for an increasing membership and crisis manager in Southeast Europe, the alliance's expansion also advanced its transformation from a collective defense organization into a security community. While NATO was redefining itself, the European Union created the institutional and political prerequisites for a European security and defense policy. In his analysis of Europe's emancipation from security dependence on the United States, Oswald expects the economic strength of the European bloc to translate into responsibility for regional security. Yet this is not to say that the EU is emerging as the primary challenger to U.S. hegemony. Instead, Oswald argues, European security autonomy will lead to a more balanced transatlantic partnership, even though American military might will remain far superior. As U.S. leaders indicate a willingness to disengage from their former European protectorate, the Europeanization of Europe's own security needs—their ability to take care of their own crises—will proceed apace. An understanding of this process is key to an American foreign policy that recognizes Europe as a strategic actor in its own right, an indispensable ally with its own military and nonmilitary instruments of crisis management.
This study focuses on the external dimensions of security in Eastern Europe. A host of new ethnic and territorial issues has resulted that could seriously destabilize Eastern Europe and undermine efforts to create a stable, new security order in Europe.