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First published in 1998.This is Volume VI of eighteen on a series of Political Sociology. Written in 1956 it takes in the areas of the Psychology of Democracy, of Nazism, and of Communism.
If there is a-"desert island" book in the conduct of social research, it is arguably this book. Whether in terms of sociological structures or psychological nuances, Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties, originally published in 1955, is a recognized landmark. Stouffer helped strengthen the fundamental liberties of all Americans by showing dangerous consequences of efforts to thwart a perceived Communist conspiracy, including some of the very real liberties that can be destroyed in the process of a witch-hunt. Stouffer explores attitudes of Americans against a backdrop of a history of intolerance that dates back to the Know-Nothing party before the Civil War and extending through the Ku Klux Klan after World War I. The overall results show a markedly strong relationship between perception of high national risk and personal intolerance of differences, and also the perception of threat and tolerance that operates as a predisposing tendency that affects judgments about specific political movements and events. Stouffer enriches the sense and meaning of survey research by emphasizing patterns of percentages rather than actual amounts; survey craftsmanship; the use of paired sampling techniques to reduce problems of chance; the importance of completion rates in survey research work; the importance of interruptions during a questioning period; the choice of field workers in performing the surveys. The actual survey instruments are included as prepared by the National Opinion Research Center and the Gallup Organization. They remain a model for large-scale samples of this kind. The beautiful, highly personal, introduction by James Davis places Stouffer in an appropriate academic and professional context. Stouffer was a great sociologist with two landmark efforts to his credit: The American Soldier and then Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties. Professor Davis calls this "a great classic of empirical sociology." It is indeed that: a model of craftsmanship, exemplary argumentation, and presentation of data still unsurpassed. The book is not part of ancient history, but of living, democratic culture.
This book explores the contribution of discursive psychology and discourse analysis to researching the relationship between history and collective memory. Analysing significant manifestations of the moral vocabulary of the Romanian transition from communism to democracy, the author demonstrates how discursive psychology can be used to understand some of the enduring and persistent dilemmas around the legacy of communism. This book argues that an understanding of language as an action-oriented, world-building resource can fill an important gap in the theorizing of public controversies over individual and collective meaning of the recent (communist) past. The author posits that discursive social psychology can serve as an intellectual and empirical bridge that can overcome several of the difficulties faced by researchers working in transitional justice studies and cognate fields. This reflective book will appeal to students and scholars of transitional justice, discursive psychology, memory studies, and the sociology of change.
"If there is a-"desert island" book in the conduct of social research, it is arguably this book. Whether in terms of sociological structures or psychological nuances, Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties, originally published in 1955, is a recognized landmark. Stouffer helped strengthen the fundamental liberties of all Americans by showing dangerous consequences of efforts to thwart a perceived Communist conspiracy, including some of the very real liberties that can be destroyed in the process of a witch-hunt. Stouffer explores attitudes of Americans against a backdrop of a history of intolerance that dates back to the Know-Nothing party before the Civil War and extending through the Ku Klux Klan after World War I. The overall results show a markedly strong relationship between perception of high national risk and personal intolerance of differences, and also the perception of threat and tolerance that operates as a predisposing tendency that affects judgments about specific political movements and events. Stouffer enriches the sense and meaning of survey research by emphasizing patterns of percentages rather than actual amounts; survey craftsmanship; the use of paired sampling techniques to reduce problems of chance; the importance of completion rates in survey research work; the importance of interruptions during a questioning period; the choice of field workers in performing the surveys. The actual survey instruments are included as prepared by the National Opinion Research Center and the Gallup Organization. They remain a model for large-scale samples of this kind. The beautiful, highly personal, introduction by James Davis places Stouffer in an appropriate academic and professional context. Stouffer was a great sociologist with two landmark efforts to his credit: The American Soldier and then Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties. Professor Davis calls this "a great classic of empirical sociology." It is"--Provided by publisher.
This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1922 edition. Excerpt: ... CHAPTER TWO ATTEMPT AT THE PSYCHOANALYSIS OF ANARCHIST COMMUNISM Anarchism leads to communism and communism to anarchism. P. Kropotkin. The communist state which would be brought into existence by the proletarian revolution, would be nothing else than a titanic system of landed proprietorship, embracing all the land in the country. A. Daniel, 1910. A state which should undertake the comprehensive care of all members of the population on equal terms.. '. would be the most complete renewal of the matriarchal type of community of primitive days. E. Lorenz. I Definitions BEFORE we attempt the psychoanalysis of anarchist communism, we must explain what we understand by the term, and must forestall a number of possible misunderstandings. Many believe that anarchism, as extreme individualism, and communism, as extreme socialism, are polar opposites. Some assume that these poles come in contact, in virtue of the principle that extremes meet. This view is erroneous. It would be superfluous to expound here the problems of individualism and socialism. Enough to refer to the trends of anarchism and communism as ordinarily understood and as enunciated by their most distinguished advocates. Anarchism demands the abolition, not only of dominion, despotism, authority forcibly exercised over the individual, but in general of laws, regulations, and restrictions. Communism does not imply the maximum of social cooperation, but the direct psychical fusion of individuals in a manner that would annihilate all partitions between them. Why, then, does one aim involve the other? Anarchism wishes to abolish rules and restrictions. Should this be effected, there would necessarily ensue a war of all against all, the absolute dissolution of the community. But this is...
The social movements that Professor Toch examines in this book, originally published in 1966, range from the Black Muslims to food faddists, and the founders of these movements range from Hitler to Joan of Arc. Why do people join social movements? How do such movements serve the needs of their members, and what unique social problems do they cause? What are the typical consequences of membership? What gives rise to social movements, and how can we evaluate them? In The Social Psychology of Social Movements Hans Toch provides answers to these questions. It is impossible to avoid in a study of this sort the universal human implications of social movements, the latent tragedy and despair which involvement in such collective action implies. The humour, adversity and pathos is equally evident in many of the examples which Professor Toch describes. But he provides a sympathetic objectivity, and is at pains to provide a systematic psychological survey of large, ideologically orientated groups and their members in general.