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In 2004 the United Nations Security Council initiated a "Working Group on General Issues of Sanctions" in order to increase the Council's effectiveness in terms of sanctions implementation. With this reform, the Council reacted to the harsh criticism from the UN against the conventional sanctions practice. It was the Security Council's latest endeavor to make ratified sanctions more punitive, coercive, and thus effective as far as causing compliance within its judicial framework is concerned. Summarized under the term "smart sanctions", the Security Council tries to be more accurate in address.
Thesis (M.A.) from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: International Organisations, grade: 1,5, University of Heidelberg (Politische Wissenschaft), language: English, abstract: The United Nations Security Council's newly adapted "smart sanction" practice aims to be more accurate, thereby seeking not only to increase political effectiveness, but also to reduce unintended humanitarian suffering. So far, scholars have predominately accentuated questions about the compliance rate of targeted states in order to measure the effectiveness of sanctions. They have ignored, however, a potentially poor commitment by states to enforce sanctions in the first place. I argue that the Security Council might suffer from a putative disconnect between the ratification and enforcement of smart sanctions. The concept of input/output legitimacy thereby serves as a model in order to analyze member state's commitment and will to impose smart sanctions, thus developing an alternative understanding about the term "effectiveness." As the Iran and North-Korea cases reveal, ratification and enforcement of smart sanctions suffer legitimacy, thus smart sanctions do not necessarily contribute to a higher effectiveness of the Council. This has ramifications both theoretically and empirically as it makes the concept of legitimacy a valuable tool for policy makers and reformists while simultaneously exposes substantial weaknesses of the new sanction practice.
Systematically analyzes the impacts and the effectiveness of UN targeted sanctions over the past quarter century.
International sanctions have become the instrument of choice for policymakers dealing with a variety of different challenges to international peace and security. This is the first comprehensive and systematic analysis of all the targeted sanctions regimes imposed by the United Nations since the end of the Cold War. Drawing on the collaboration of more than fifty scholars and policy practitioners from across the globe (the Targeted Sanctions Consortium), the book analyzes two new databases, one qualitative and one quantitative, to assess the different purposes of UN targeted sanctions, the Security Council dynamics behind their design, the relationship of sanctions with other policy instruments, implementation challenges, diverse impacts, unintended consequences, policy effectiveness, and institutional learning within the UN. The book is organized around comparisons across cases, rather than country case studies, and introduces two analytical innovations: case episodes within country sanctions regimes and systematic differentiation among different purposes of sanctions.
Since the end of the Cold War, economic sanctions have been a frequent instrument of UN authority. Based on more than 200 interviews with officials from both sides, this book aims to provide a comprehensive assessment of the effectiveness of UN sanctions in the 1990s.
Smart Sanctions explores the emerging concept of targeted sanctions and provides a comprehensive framework for new sanctions strategies for the 21st century. It includes essays by experts and analysts from the United Nations community, the European Union, the United States Government, and the academic community. Visit our website for sample chapters!
In the last decades, violent non-state actors (VNSAs) such as rebel and terrorist organizations have proved their capacity to break international law. The international community, particularly the United Nations (UN), has reacted to this development by redirecting its conflict resolution efforts to these non-state entities. This has turned targeted sanctions into one of the most vital and indispensable foreign policy tools available to the UN Security Council in combating terrorism and contributing to the peaceful resolution of (intra-state) conflicts. Despite the UN Security Council's growing tendency to sanction VNSAs, there has been little research analyzing the effects of UN targeted sanctions on these non-government actors. This book seeks to fill this gap and shifts the focus on non-state actors by ascertaining the general mechanisms through and conditions under which UN targeted sanctions imposed on VNSAs tend to be effective. The tripartite empirical analysis combining quantitative and qualitative research methods demonstrates that the state-centric understanding of how sanctions work is not simply applicable to the effective sanctioning of violent non-state actors such as rebel and terrorist movements. About the author Christopher Huber is a Research Fellow associated with the GIGA German Institute for Global and Area Studies in Hamburg. His research focuses on international sanctions, counterterrorism and religious conflicts.
The use of sanctions is increasing in the post-Cold War world. Along with this increase, the international community must ask itself whether sanctions 'work, ' in the sense that they incite citizens to change or overthrow an offending government, and whether sanctions are really less damaging than the alternative of war. Here for the first time, sanctions and humanitarian aid experts converge on these questions and consider the humanitarian impacts of sanctions along with their potential political benefits. The results show that often the most vulnerable members of targeted societies pay the price of sanctions, and that in addition, the international system is called upon to compensate the victims for the undeniable pain they have suffered. Well-chosen case studies of South Africa, Iraq, the former Yugoslavia, and Haiti illustrate how much pain the community of states is willing to inflict upon civilians in the quest for political gains. Together with an analytical framework and policy conclusions, this important book seeks to clarify the range of options and strategies to policymakers who impose sanctions and to humanitarian officials who operate in sanctioned environments
These essays support the argument that strong and effective presidential leadership is the most important prerequisite for South Korea to sustain and project its influence abroad. That leadership should be attentive to the need for public consensus and should operate within established legislative mechanisms that ensure public accountability. The underlying structures sustaining South Korea’s foreign policy formation are generally sound; the bigger challenge is to manage domestic politics in ways that promote public confidence about the direction and accountability of presidential leadership in foreign policy.
In the early 1990s the then European Community imposed for the first time a set of economic restrictions against a specific entity: the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. Since then, the individualisation of sanctions has become entrenched, these so-called 'smart' sanctions have proliferated, their targets and scope of application have significantly expanded, and they operate in an increasingly juridified environment. This book aims to shed light on the constitutive dynamics and causes of these developments, with a focus on the juridification of individual sanctions at the European level. To this end it first revisits the phenomenon of individualisation – moving beyond the conventional narrative that individual sanctions emerged because of humanitarian and effectiveness concerns – and situates the 'smarting' of sanctions within the context of broader structural transformations characterised by the consolidation of the global neoliberal order. Second, the book explores why the role of law has been so pronounced in the European context by unearthing the connections between EU law and capitalist order building.