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Of the several regional arrangements that function within the United Nations, the most elaborate in organization and function is the Organization of American States. Although the United Nations holds the primary responsibility for preserving international peace, its charter concedes virtual autonomy to regional arrangements in dealing with matters considered appropriate for regional action. This latitude stimulated a trend toward regionalism which eventually posed the important question of how to preserve legitimate regionalism like Pan-Americanism without impairing the essential overall authority of the United Nations. Following an introductory description of all existing regional arrangements, this comprehensive case study examines every aspect of security cooperation in the Western Hemisphere in the mid-twentieth century: the historical origins and development of the inter-American system; the perfecting of the security structure; and, most important, the functioning of the system under test by controversies among the member nations, and by two world wars, the Korean emergency, and the aggressive threats of international Communism. Particular attention is given to the Cuban situation. This volume was the first to recognize, boldly and imaginatively, the overwhelming influence wielded in the OAS by the powerful and wealthy United States. This elastic association of one Great Power and twenty small states, based on a mutuality of interests and a common devotion to the principles of civilized international behavior, can be said to have reached full maturity in 1948 with the adoption of the OAS charter, which articulated the goals toward which it had been striving for fifty-eight years: sovereign equality, nonintervention, and consultation for the peaceful solution of disputes and for hemisphere defense. Ironically, just when the Good Neighbor Policy and the rise of Hitler seemed to have cemented inter-American relations, breaks in the solidarity began to appear. World War II produced new forces destined to profoundly alter the bases and objectives of inter-American cooperation. The “be good” policy began to change to a “do good” policy, and in diplomatic discussions, economic measures began to eclipse those concerned with peril to the peace and security of the hemisphere.
Conference paper comprising the text of the final act adopted at the conference on security and co-operation in europe, concerning peaceful international relations and international cooperation between the participating states (incl. European countries, the USA and Canada) - includes measures relating to disarmament, economic relations, defence manoeuvres, trade relations, scientific cooperation, etc. Conf helsinki 1973 jul 3. Conference held in Geneva 1973 September 18 to jul 21. Conf helsinki 1975 aug 1.
This book includes a study of the history of mine warfare at sea from the earliest days to the present time. It will be of interest to military lawyers & to all those concerned with the conduct & control of warfare. At the technical level, it is intended for laymen. While there is a chapter dealing with many technical matters relating to both mine warfare at sea & mine countermeasures, the sole purpose of that chapter is to give the non-technician, whether naval officer or civilian, a basic understanding of various categories of sea mines & their accessories & of mine countermeasure gear. It assumes that, like the author, the reader will have a minimum of electrical & mechanical knowledge. However, it is believed that after finishing this volume the reader will have a much better understanding of the part that mines have played in warfare at sea in past conflicts as well as the part they may be expected to play in any future conflict. Howard S. Levie is Professor Emeritus of Law at Saint Louis University School of Law, & Adjunct Professor of International Law at the U.S. Naval War College.
The legal status of the institution of diplomatic asylum really presents two separate questions. (I) Is there evidence that states have regarded the practice of granting such asylum to political refugees as sanctioned by a rule of international law? (2) Assuming this to be the case, does the available evidence make it possible to define a "political refugee" and to determine which party to a dispute has the right to decide upon this question? While in many cases the two questions are not dearly separated in the discussions between the parties involved, they will be treated separately in the following pages. Part one will attempt to answer this question: Assuming the political nature of an offence can be establish ed, is there evidence that states have regarded the practice of granting diplomatic asylum as sanctioned by a rule of international law? Obviously, the two questions cannot be separated entirely but it seems advisable to try to isolate them as much as possible. CHAPTER I NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM The term "asylum" is used to identify such a variety of phenomena that the following distinctions must be made before the problem can be properly discussed I. Between diplomatic and territorial asylum. The importance of this distinction was pointed out by the International Court of Justice in the Colombian-Peruvian Asylum Case,l often referred to as the Haya de la Torre Case.