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The author has spent upwards of ten years in working on this book. His objective is to clarify the military aspect of the Moscow-Peking dialogue which has not yet received its deserved treatment. The apogee of that dialogue seems to have been passed toward the end of the rule of Khrushchev. Yet the Vietnam war spawns fresh contention. Our cover age will span the development from I956 to the present. The beginning of the dispute with regard to the origins of war in general is taken up in the first two chapters. The next three chapters discuss the several types of war with the frame of reference set in what now appears to be a quondam era. But the principle differences between the disputants are just as outstanding today as they were then. The penultimate chapter is somewhat wide in scope in order to deal with the larger and more intensely bitter polemics evolving after Khrushchev left office. There have been many new and startling views held by both sides since then, views splitting them poles apart. Omi nously at issue now is the question of Sino-Soviet peaceful coexistence. Our work, obviously, cannot wait until that question is answered to be finished. The final chapter concludes our study. To write of subjects as dynamic as this one is a challenge because they are current affairs. Due to the swift change of events, no sooner is our typescript put to press than it needs a revision.
Japan and the Sino-Soviet Alliance 1950-1964 reveals the divisive impact of the Sino-Soviet Alliance on Japanese domestic politics and foreign relations during the turbulent years between 1950 and 1964. Drawing on extensive Japanese sources and unprecedented access to previously classified government documents, C.W. Braddick exposes the myths shrouding this formative era in Japan's postwar development.
This volume brings together the recent essays of Richard Ned Lebow, one of the leading scholars of international relations and US foreign policy. Lebow's work has centred on the instrumental value of ethics in foreign policy decision making and the disastrous consequences which follow when ethical standards are flouted. Unlike most realists who have considered ethical considerations irrelevant in states' calculations of their national interest, Lebow has argued that self interest, and hence, national interest can only be formulated intelligently within a language of justice and morality. The essays here build on this pervasive theme in Lebow's work by presenting his substantive and compelling critique of strategies of deterrence and compellence, illustrating empirically and normatively how these strategies often produce results counter to those that are intended. The last section of the book, on counterfactuals, brings together another set of related articles which continue to probe the relationship between ethics and policy. They do so by exploring the contingency of events to suggest the subjective, and often self-fulfilling, nature of the frameworks we use to evaluate policy choices.
This book, which offers the work of a group of distinguished contributors, is designed to clarify the bearing of the arms control issue on the Sino-Soviet dispute and to suggest future policy directions for the United States. Arms control and security issues have been at the heart of much of Russian-Chinese disagreement since the opening of the rift in the 1950's. This book, which offers the work of a group of distinguished contributors, is designed to clarify the bearing of the arms control issue on the Sino-Soviet dispute and to suggest future policy directions for the United States. Specifically, the contributors seek to illuminate the security problems facing the United States and to examine the prospects for arms control as they are affected by conflict within the Communist world. Sino-Soviet Relations and Arms Control begins with the observation that the Soviet Union and Communist China use disarmament talk as a way of pointing out issues of major importance in their dispute, of competing for support within the third world and the Communist bloc, and of expressing genuine disagreement over the fundamental causes of the Sino-Soviet rift.The first section of the book deals with the impact of the Sino-Soviet dispute on the arms control policies of the Soviet Union, China, and the United States. The authors argue that arms control is possible without China, that the Chinese are unlikely to be interested in arms control agreements in the near future, and that arms control could be of paramount importance to relations among the three countries. Part II of the book is a historical exploration of the interrelation between specific arms control measures and the Sino-Soviet dispute. The authors give the most detailed account yet available of Sino-Soviet nuclear relations between 1957 and 1960 and document the extent to which the quarrel has centered on military and security issues. The role of the test ban in widening the Sino-Soviet rift is explored. In Part III each author poses the same question: what would be the nature of Sino-Soviet relations during a Washington-Peking crisis? The first three chapters in this section answer the question from the viewpoint of each country concerned; the last examines these relations during the 1958 Quemoy crisis. Definitive information on the events pertinent to the Sino-Soviet dispute of the 1950's and early 1960's is rare; although It does not pretend to tell the entire story, this book makes a significant contribution to the body of knowledge on the evolution of the Sino-Soviet dispute. As a learned, perceptive comment on the security problems created by the dispute and on the possibilities for agreement that it presents, Sino-Soviet Relations and Arms Control will have a wide audience among political scientists, specialists in Sino-Soviet affairs, and a lay public that recognizes the importance of this political issue.