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Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2017 im Fachbereich Politik - Region: Südasien, , Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: In the South China Sea, overlapping territory, maritime and economic claims are the reason for political tension. It is one of the most contested maritime areas in the world. On the seabed, large oil and gas deposits are expected to exist, there are rich fishing grounds and many important trade routes cross the South China Sea. Due to this, also non-claimant nations like the United States want the South China Sea to remain International Waters – to ensure the “Freedom of Navigation”, based in the International Law. The growing Chinese sphere of influence is observed with concern and China as a whole is perceived as a potential threat for the littoral states on the one and the United States on the other hand. Conversely, China accuses these states for claiming an area, which is Chinese territory since ancient times. This thesis examines the existing policy options the Chinese government can apply to reduce the insecurities in the region and to find possible arrangements with the neighboring states. Above all, the question is if China should take a more cooperative approach to the territorial disputes. First, the origins of the conflict will be highlighted, followed by an analysis of the policy options escalation and cooperation. States involved in territorial and maritime conflicts such as the South China Sea dispute have the opportunities to cooperate or to escalate – both options can appear in various forms. At the end of this thesis, there will be one suggested political strategy for the Chinese government to operate in this stretch of water.
As China emerges as an international economic and military power, the world waits to see how the nation will assert itself globally. Yet, as M. Taylor Fravel shows in Strong Borders, Secure Nation, concerns that China might be prone to violent conflict over territory are overstated. The first comprehensive study of China's territorial disputes, Strong Borders, Secure Nation contends that China over the past sixty years has been more likely to compromise in these conflicts with its Asian neighbors and less likely to use force than many scholars or analysts might expect. By developing theories of cooperation and escalation in territorial disputes, Fravel explains China's willingness to either compromise or use force. When faced with internal threats to regime security, especially ethnic rebellion, China has been willing to offer concessions in exchange for assistance that strengthens the state's control over its territory and people. By contrast, China has used force to halt or reverse decline in its bargaining power in disputes with its militarily most powerful neighbors or in disputes where it has controlled none of the land being contested. Drawing on a rich array of previously unexamined Chinese language sources, Strong Borders, Secure Nation offers a compelling account of China's foreign policy on one of the most volatile issues in international relations.
Boundary disputes in the South China Sea have been a long-standing threat to peace and security in East and Southeast Asia. Without agreed definition of boundaries, provisional arrangements to develop resources in the disputed area have become the favored, and most effective, solution. Therefore, joint development between various countries has taken place in the form of ad hoc arrangements with the goal of achieving positive outcomes for all parties involved. Incorporating insights from ten authors from six countries (Brunei, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam), this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the incentives and policies to joint development in the South China Sea disputes. The authors also discuss the bottlenecks and proposed policy options. The authors ease doubts over joint development in South China Sea disputes and shed light on creative ways to promote cooperation. The book is a key reference for students and scholars in politics and international relations, Asian Studies, and maritime law.
The South China Sea, where a number of great powers and regional players contend for influence, has emerged as one of the most potentially explosive regions in the world today. What can be done to reduce the possibility of conflict, solve the outstanding territorial problems, and harness the potential of the sea to promote regional development, environmental sustainability and security? This book, with contributions from leading authorities in China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Australia, Singapore and the United States, seeks to illuminate these questions.
The South China Sea is a major strategic waterway for trade and oil shipments to Japan, Korea as well as southern China. It has been the focus of a maritime dispute which has continued now for over six decades, with competing claims from China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Brunei. Recently China has become more assertive in pressing its claims – harassing Vietnamese fishing vessels and seizing reefs in the Philippine claim zone. China has insisted that it has "indisputable sovereignty" over the area and has threatened to enforce its claim. All of this is unsettling and draws in the United States which is concerned about freedom of navigation in the area. The US has been supporting the Philippines and has been developing security ties with Vietnam as a check upon China. This book examines the conflict potential of the current dispute, it discusses how the main claimants and the United States view the issue, and assesses the prospects for a resolution of the problem.
This volume offers a comprehensive and empirically rich analysis of regional maritime disputes in the South China Sea (SCS). By discussing important aspects of the rise of China’s maritime power, such as territorial disputes, altered perceptions of geo-politics and challenges to the US-led regional order, the authors demonstrate that a regional power shift is taking place in Asia-Pacific. The volume also provides in-depth discussions of the responses to Chinese actions by SCS claimants as well as by important non-claimant actors.