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The Catalan independence crisis of late 2017 shook Europe and the world. How did it happen? What were the political consequences? Does Catalonia have a legitimate political claim to be an independent state? These issues are investigated from the perspective of one of the international actors involved in the crisis. The conclusion proffered is one derived from an unusual way of thinking about the problem. The Catalan crisis will continue indefinitely unless and until we understand what the underlying tension between Madrid and Barcelona really is. And it is a very serious problem, which goes to the heart of both the Spanish constitutional system and the position the Catalan body politic occupies within it. The Catalan crisis is not a matter of opposing and irreconcilable historical narratives about Spanish and Catalan cultures. Instead it is a sophisticated mixture of political and economic confrontations, some of which are historical but most of which are very modern. The principal dynamic driving the most recent in the spate of Catalan crises is the adoption by the European Union of a single currency. This disrupted a level of political and economic harmony between Madrid and Barcelona, that it is not clear can easily be restored. This book does offer an unambiguous answer to the question posed by its title. But it is not an answer that is reached with comfort, because the reason the Catalan independence crisis has reached the extremes it has is that Spain as a whole, and Catalonia as a region, are fiscally unsustainable. The principal purpose of this work is to chart the course of recent Spanish and Catalan history to help understand why the economic situation in Spain catalysed so serious a breakdown in the relations between the Catalans and Madrid. This book is not certain in the conclusions that it reaches. One thing we can be sure of, however, is that if the European Union is to adopt a mature attitude towards the problems facing modern Spain then it needs to change the angle of the lens through which to date it has viewed the Catalan crisis. Otherwise everything will get much worse, and the solvency of the Eurozone as a whole will be at stake.
This book explores the conflict between the Catalan project to become independent and the Spanish state’s opposition to any attempt of secessionism. The volume addresses some of the key political and academic issues of contemporary European societies: nationalism, separatism and sovereignty. The banned referendum in Catalonia in October 2017 unveiled the existence of multiple crises, from territorial to economic and political. Indeed, the Catalan issue is about the crisis of sovereignty: who holds legitimacy to make decisions, and who is in power legally and politically? The book is structured according to three themes: sovereignty and its people, where the realignment to independence, populism and the definition of the demos are discussed; collective identities and actions, to account for the shaping of ‘us’, the importance of collective memory and the cross-alliances forged during the referendum; and internationalization, focusing on Europeanisation, international media and comparative constitutional perspectives.
This 2005 book presents an argument for the right of groups to secede, offering a thorough and unapologetic defense.
Analyses with rare impartiality what sets the Catalans apart from Spain, and how the separatist debate is playing out.
Imagine if your country voted to become independent, that vote was then ignored and its political leaders imprisoned or exiled.Following Catalonia's independence referendum, Clara Ponsatí, Education Minister, along with Prime Minister Carles Puigdemont were charged with sedition. They had to leave Catalonia and go into self-imposed exile, and seven of their former cabinet colleagues were imprisoned. The Case of the Catalans is a landmark book that explains the injustice Catalans have faced by being marginalised with their political beliefs rendered unlawful by the Spanish government. In this book, Ponsatí and her team of influential academics discuss the future of the Catalan people and the political and social tensions that led to the controversial referendum.In a clear and accessible style, they aim to educate as many people as possible, whether interested in politics or not, about the extraordinarily backward democratic process that currently defines Spain's national identity and has defied the settled will of the Catalan people.
Catalonia: A New Independent State in Europe examines the main issues of the political process which is taking place in Catalonia today. The political confrontation between the Spanish and Catalan institutions has now reached the international arena, especially the debates concerning international recognition of a new Catalan state and its membership of the European Union (EU) and other international institutions. There are no precedents for the secession of a region from an EU member country that could be applied to the case of Catalonia. Therefore, it is not surprising that the world has many unanswered question about the process. This volume aims to provide answers to many of these questions in a systematic and rigorous way. Why has the political scenario in Catalonia changed so radically and so rapidly? Is this new situation only temporary and support for independence is likely to vanish very soon? What role has the deep economic crisis in Catalonia and in Spain played in the process? Is a potential new Catalan state economically viable? Which are the main legal controversies about self-determination and independence between the Spanish and Catalan institutions? Would an independent Catalonia be a member of the EU? This book will be of great use to academics and students in the field of politics and international relations, particularly those interested in European economic and political studies. It will also interest a wide segment of general readers interested in contemporary political issues.
"Catalonia: the struggle over independence offers an overview of Catalonia's political, cultural and economic life and its relations with the rest of Spain. It shows how Catalonia has long displayed the characteristics of a nation: distinct language and culture, separate social and political institutions, and a strong collective identity. At the same time, Catalonia has been one of Spain's primary centres of economic dynamism and innovation. As such, it is an especially striking instance of "minority' or 'internal' nations within a larger political order. During the Franco years, the Spanish state made a concerted effort to eliminate Catalonia's national characteristics. Subsequently, as it sought to restore the Catalan nation, Catalonia's leadership, and most of its population, presumed that Catalonia would pursue 'nation-building without a state' as part of the post-Franco constitutional and political order. This second edition analyzes the remarkable transformation that has taken place over the last decade. The ideal of an independent and sovereign Catalonia has become: the formal objective of Catalonia's parliament and government; the raison d'être of a strongly mobilized social movement; and the preferred arrangement of close to half of Catalonia's residents. In 2017, the drive for independence even led to a failed attempt to secure independence unilaterally, in defiance of Spain's constitution and its central state. How can this transformation best be explained and what does it portend for the future of Catalonia and Spain? The book offers Important insights about the origins of nationalism and the politics of secessionism. By exploring the challenge of accommodating 'internal nations' within a larger state, the book addresses a central question facing the political institutions of much of Europe and North America"--
A view from abroad to the internationalization of the Catalan crisis. Exiled President of Catalonia Carles Puigdemont was arrested in Germany in March 2018 on his way back from Finland. That marked a turning point in the internationalization of the Catalan crisis. German court refused his extradition to Spain arguing he had not committed rebellion. Meanwhile part of the legitimate Government of Catalonia as well as civil society leaders have been in an unjust pre-trial detention for over 1,5 years. Trial against Catalan political prisoners is coming to an end in the summer of 2019. Sentences are expected to be harsh further escalating the political conflict between Spain and Catalonia. Janne Riitakorpi, co-organizer of President Puigdemont’s visit to Finland, analyses in his book the recent years of the Catalan independence movement from an international perspective. Book contains background to Europe's strongest secessionist movement, detailed analysis of international reactions witnessed during the tense autumn of 2017 as well as author’s personal experiences from the heart of the Catalan struggle. Riitakorpi lived in Barcelona in 2017 and worked for the Public Diplomacy Council of Catalonia during the 1 October referendum and 27 October declaration of independence. He is also Secretary of the Foreign Friends of Catalonia as well as the Executive Director of the Finland-Catalonia Friendship Association. Foreword by the 130th President of Catalonia Carles Puigdemont.
Support for independence in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia has risen significantly since 2005. Opinion polls confirm that the idea of holding a legally-binding referendum on independence is now supported by 80% of Catalans. Many commentators on nationalism in Western Europe had come to the conclusion that there was no serious threat to the established nation-states from secessionism within their borders. In The Identity of Nations (2007), Montserrat Guibernau wrote that decentralisation 'tames secessionism, both by offering significant power and resources to the national minorities it seeks to accommodate and by enticing regional political elites with the power, prestige and perks associated with devolution'. Scott Greer, in Nationalism and Self-Government (2007), wrote that 'secession seems unlikely' in the Catalan case because the regional political elites have too much to lose by such a move and are most concerned with winning further autonomy in specific areas that stabilise their own hold on regional power - a conclusion called into question by the recent radicalisation in Catalan politics and civil society. Causes for these striking changes in public sentiment include changes in the Catalan political landscape since 2003, problems of infrastructure, public apathy with the political process, disillusionment with the Spanish government, a rise in anti-Catalan feeling from other Spaniards (and a rise in anti-'Spanish' feeling among Catalans), the effects of the global financial crisis, and the bumpy ride experienced by Catalonia's new Statute of Autonomy. One notable change has been a shift in the dominant discourse of Catalan nationalism from concerns regarding language, culture and identity toward the political and economic welfare of Catalans. These political and economic discourses have overlaid rather than replaced cultural aspects. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies / Catalan Observatory.
Unabhängigkeitsbewegungen haben in der letzten Zeit auch in Westeuropa die Stabilität mancher Staaten in Frage gestellt. In Schottland entschied sich eine knappe Mehrheit schliesslich dafür, im Vereinigten Königreich zu verbleiben. Die katalanische Forderung nach einem ähnlichen Referendum wurde dagegen vom spanischen Staat konsequent zurückgewiesen. Unser Buch beantwortet folgende Fragen: Wann, wie und warum hat sich die lange nichtseparatistische katalanische Nationalbewegung der Unabhängigkeit zugewandt? Geht es um Sprache, Identität, um Geld, oder um Demokratie? Welche Rolle spielen dabei die Immigranten? Welche alternative Lösungen sind denkbar? Wie reagiert Europa, wie Deutschland? Gibt es einen Weg zur Unabhängigkeit? Und schliesslich: Wäre ein unabhängiges Katalonien lebensfähig? Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes Stephan Rixen (Rechtswissenschaft, Universität Bayreuth) und Klaus-Jürgen Nagel (Politikwissenschaft, Universitat Pompeu Fabra) vertreten zwei der Fachrichtungen, die sich solchen Fragen widmen. Doch auch weitere Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften sind in diesem Band vertreten. In englischer Sprache.