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Services today account for a major share of employment and national product in the U. S. , with the employment share up from 57 percent immediately post-war to well over 70 percent today (if communications, utilities and transportation are included). This transformation (which is also occurring with varying lags in the othereconomically advanced economies) is driven by a variety of forces : by changes in consumer demand, by the rising demand for health and educational services, by new ways in which businesses are organized and the increasing importance ofcertain functions (e. g. new demands for monitoring, financing, sales promotion, and responding to regulatory agencies), and, closely related, by the continuing advances in electronic technology. Moreover, these multiple transformations have been accompanied by changes in the way work is carried out (e. g. the dramatic increases in the utilization of white collar workers, particularly professionals and managers, and the employment of women and educated workers), and by shifts in the location of work and of the population (e. g. rising importance of key cities within the urban system and of suburbs generally). The role of services in modem capitalistic economies is not yet integrated into the body of economic theory, although the need for such integration, especially as regards theories ofgrowth, market structure, and pricing, is critical. Some economists and sociologists, however, have since the days of Adam Smith, dealt with certain aspects of the role of services.
The growth of the services sector has profoundly transformed developed societies, their economic characteristics, their occupational structures, and even their political priorities and value systems. No comprehensive theory of his growth exists, but for three centuries a number of major economists and social scientists have sought to analyze and explain its characteristics, dimensions and consequences. This book is the first to survey and evaluate these theoretical contributions on services growth, from the mercantillists and classicists to contemporary works, those beginning with Fisher, Clark and Fourasite, and further developed by Fuchs, Bell, Baumol, Stanback, Gershuny, among others. Throughout this critical survey the major issues raised by the ongoing development of the services are pointed out: Are services a new engine for economic growth or nonproductive' deadweights? How should services be classified in order to better understand their social functions? What about their productivity and possible industrialization? Are services the basis for new social and human relationships? This book helps to shed theoretical light on these current controversies, which are among the most important at the present stage of our economic development.
Assembling contributions from top thinkers in the field, thiscompanion offers a comprehensive and sophisticated exploration ofthe history of economic thought. The volume has a threefold focus:the history of economic thought, the history of economics as adiscipline, and the historiography of economic thought. Provides sophisticated introductions to a vast array oftopics. Focuses on a unique range of topics, including the history ofeconomic thought, the history of the discipline of economics, andthe historiography of economic thought.
This book explains the importance of the history of economic thought in the curriculum of economists, whereas most discussions of this kind are devoted to explaining why such study is of value simply to the individual economist.
In this concise yet comprehensive history, Heinz D. Kurz traces the long arc of economic thought from its emergence in ancient Greece to its systematic presentation among the classical thinkers of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to the influential work of scholars such as Paul Samuelson and Kenneth J. Arrow. With a keen eye for how economic insights are acquired, lost, and reborn, Kurz focuses on the dynamic individuals who give old ideas new life and the historical events that provoke different approaches and theories. Over the course of this journey, Kurz explains what Adam Smith meant by the "invisible hand"; how Karl Marx's "law of motion" works in capitalist economies; the roots of the Austrian economists' emphasis on the problems of information, incomplete knowledge, and uncertainty; John Maynard Keynes's principle of effective demand and economic stabilization; and the insights and challenges offered by growth theory, welfare economics, game theory, and more. He concludes with a deft summation of world economists' major concerns today and their critical relation to world events.
This book, now in its third edition, provides an elementary introduction to the history of economic thought. A chapter is devoted to each of the major developments in the history of the discipline, before a concluding chapter in which the authors draw together some of the key strands and comment on some major works and textbooks in the history of economic ideas. They also reflect on the changes in economic thinking within the general context of the philosophy of science. This new edition continues to offer the clear and concise coverage of the main schools of thought and paradigm shifts in the field that has become the volume’s trademark. The book has been thoroughly updated throughout in order to reflect changes in the landscape of the field. Details on key thinkers, and aspects of the story such as the evolution of scholarship on growth and development, have been added or expanded, whilst not compromising on the book’s concise approach. Key updates include: Biographical- and bibliographical information is brought up to date throughout the text North American economists John Kenneth Galbraith and Kenneth Ewart Boulding make their first appearance in this edition Information on developments in institutional economics, addressing in particular the works of 2009 Nobel prize winner Elinor Ostrom). This book has become well known for its innovative coverage of the economic thinking of mainland Europe, whilst also addressing Anglo-American trends. It provides a short and highly readable overview of the evolution of economic thought, usable in courses where the history of economic thought constitutes only a small part or required background reading. It continues to be an extremely useful, much needed text for all introductory economics courses in the field.
A deep and widespread crisis affects modern economic theory, a crisis that derives from the absence of a "vision"--a set of widely shared political and social preconceptions--on which all economics ultimately depends. This absence, in turn, reflects the collapse of the Keynesian view that provided such a foundation from 1940 through the early 1970s, comparable to earlier visions provided by Smith, Ricardo, Mill, and Marshall. The "unraveling" of Keynesianism has been followed by a division into discordant and ineffective camps whose common denominator seems to be their shared analytical refinement and lack of practical applicability. This provocative analysis attempts both to describe this state of affairs, and to suggest the direction in which economic thinking must move if it is to regain the relevance and remedial power it now pointedly lacks.
Winner of Balsillie Prize for Public Policy Winner of Donner Prize A challenge to prevailing ideas about innovation and a guide to identifying the best growth strategy for your community. Across the world, cities and regions have wasted trillions of dollars on blindly copying the Silicon Valley model of growth creation. Since the early years of the information age, we've been told that economic growth derives from harnessing technological innovation. To do this, places must create good education systems, partner with local research universities, and attract innovative hi-tech firms. We have lived with this system for decades, and the result is clear: a small number of regions and cities at the top of the high-tech industry but many more fighting a losing battle to retain economic dynamism. But are there other models that don't rely on a flourishing high-tech industry? In Innovation in Real Places, Dan Breznitz argues that there are. The purveyors of the dominant ideas on innovation have a feeble understanding of the big picture on global production and innovation. They conflate innovation with invention and suffer from techno-fetishism. In their devotion to start-ups, they refuse to admit that the real obstacle to growth for most cities is the overwhelming power of the real hubs, which siphon up vast amounts of talent and money. Communities waste time, money, and energy pursuing this road to nowhere. Breznitz proposes that communities instead focus on where they fit in the four stages in the global production process. Some are at the highest end, and that is where the Clevelands, Sheffields, and Baltimores are being pushed toward. But that is bad advice. Success lies in understanding the changed structure of the global system of production and then using those insights to enable communities to recognize their own advantages, which in turn allows to them to foster surprising forms of specialized innovation. As he stresses, all localities have certain advantages relative to at least one stage of the global production process, and the trick is in recognizing it. Leaders might think the answer lies in high-tech or high-end manufacturing, but more often than not, they're wrong. Innovation in Real Places is an essential corrective to a mythology of innovation and growth that too many places have bought into in recent years. Best of all, it has the potential to prod local leaders into pursuing realistic and regionally appropriate models for growth and innovation.