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Pt. I (pp. 9-233) is a response to Milan Bulajić's "'Jasenovacki mit' Franje Tudmana" (1994). Pt. II (pp. 237-478) is a reply to Bulajić's response to part I. Contests the widely accepted estimate of the number of victims at Jasenovac - ca. 600-700,000. Affirms that Jasenovac was a labor camp, and that the bulk of its victims were Serbian Chetnik prisoners and postwar Croatian prisoners held by Tito. Asserts that the main sites of the perpetration of the genocide of Yugoslavia's Jews were Sajmište (near Belgrade) and other Serbian camps. States that Bulajić wrote his book in order to slander the Croats and brand them as a genocidal nation, while it is the Serbs themselves who were always antisemitic and genocidal.
Balkan Holocausts? compares and contrasts Serbian and Croatian propaganda from 1986 to 1999, analyzing each group's contemporary interpretations of history and current events. It offers a detailed discussion of holocaust imagery and the history of victim-centered writing in nationalism theory, including the links between the comparative genocide debate, the so-called holocaust industry, and Serbian and Croatian nationalism. No studies on Yugoslavia have thus far devoted significant space to such analysis.
A valuable and objective reassessment of the role of Serbia and Serbs in WWII. Today, Serbian textbooks praise the Chetniks of Draža MIhailovi? and make excuses for the collaboration of Milan Nedi?'s regime with the Axis. However, this new evaluation shows the more complex and controversial nature of the political alliances during the period.
As violence and turmoil continue to define the former Yugoslavia, basic questions remain unanswered: What are the forces behind the Serbian expansionist drive that has brought death and destruction to Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo? How did the Serbs rationalize, and rally support for, this genocidal activity? Heavenly Serbia traces Serbia's nationalist and expansionist impulses to the legendary battle of Kosovo in 1389. Anzulovic shows how the myth of "Heavenly Serbia" developed to help the Serbs endure foreign domination, explaining their military defeat and the loss of their medieval state by emphasizing their own moral superiority over military victory. Heavenly Serbia shows how this myth resulted in an aggressive nationalist ideology which has triumphed in the late twentieth century and marginalized those Serbs who strive for the establishment of a civil society. "Modern Serbian nationalism...and its contradictory connections...have been sources of considerable scholarly interest...Branimir Anzulovic's compendium is a good example of the genre, made all the more useful by Anzulovic's excellent command of the literature." --Ivo Banac, History of Religions Author interview with CNN: http: //www.cnn.com/chat/transcripts/branimir_chat.html
The Ustasha camp in Jasenovac is a sensitive historical theme, which still provokes strong political conflicts more than 70 years after the closure of the camp. During the time of the second Yugoslavia, the camp was made into a myth and one of the main levers for disciplining the society of the time. The Communist Party imposed the number of 700,000 victims and an exaggerated view of the alleged crimes and methods of killing inmates. The aim was to present itself as sole guarantor of security, because in the case of its "reigning-in", the fratricidal war would happen again, with Jasenovac as its main symbol. Before 1990, an attempt to point out the absurdity of the 700,000 alleged victims of Jasenovac entailed going to prison or compulsory psychiatric treatment. The documents referenced in this book indicate the need to continue with research of the Jasenovac camp and that in a democratic atmosphere, as far as possible, its realistic historical picture may be reached.
This book examines the role of Russian and Serbian nationalism in dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1991.
A New York Review Books Original The distinguished Croatian journalist and publisher Slavko Goldstein says, “Writing this book about my family, I have tried not to separate what happened to us from the fates of many other people and of an entire country.” 1941: The Year That Keeps Returning is Goldstein’s astonishing historical memoir of that fateful year—when the Ustasha, the pro-fascist nationalists, were brought to power in Croatia by the Nazi occupiers of Yugoslavia. On April 10, when the German troops marched into Zagreb, the Croatian capital, they were greeted as liberators by the Croats. Three days later, Ante Pavelić, the future leader of the Independent State of Croatia, returned from exile in Italy and Goldstein’s father, the proprietor of a leftist bookstore in Karlovac—a beautiful old city fifty miles from the capital—was arrested along with other local Serbs, communists, and Yugoslav sympathizers. Goldstein was only thirteen years old, and he would never see his father again. More than fifty years later, Goldstein seeks to piece together the facts of his father’s last days. The moving narrative threads stories of family, friends, and other ordinary people who lived through those dark times together with personal memories and an impressive depth of carefully researched historic details. The other central figure in Goldstein’s heartrending tale is his mother—a strong, resourceful woman who understands how to act decisively in a time of terror in order to keep her family alive. From 1941 through 1945 some 32,000 Jews, 40,000 Gypsies, and 350,000 Serbs were slaughtered in Croatia. It is a period in history that is often forgotten, purged, or erased from the history books, which makes Goldstein’s vivid, carefully balanced account so important for us today—for the same atrocities returned to Croatia and Bosnia in the 1990s. And yet Goldstein’s story isn’t confined by geographical boundaries as it speaks to the dangers and madness of ethnic hatred all over the world and the urgent need for mutual understanding.
Reporting from the heartland of Yugoslavia in the 1970s, Washington Post correspondent Dusko Doder described "a landscape of Gothic spires, Islamic mosques, and Byzantine domes." A quarter century later, this landscape lay in ruins. In addition to claiming tens of thousands of lives, the former Yugoslavia's four wars ravaged over a thousand religious buildings, many purposefully destroyed by Serbs, Albanians, and Croats alike, providing an apt architectural metaphor for the region's recent history. Rarely has the human impulse toward monocausality--the need for a single explanation--been in greater evidence than in Western attempts to make sense of the country's bloody dissolution. From Robert Kaplan's controversial Balkan Ghosts, which identified entrenched ethnic hatreds as the driving force behind Yugoslavia's demise to NATO's dogged pursuit and arrest of Slobodan Milosevic, the quest for easy answers has frequently served to obscure the Balkans' complex history. Perhaps most surprisingly, no book has focused explicitly on the role religion has played in the conflicts that continue to torment southeastern Europe. Based on a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on-the-ground experience, Balkan Idols explores the political role and influence of Serbian Orthodox, Croatian Catholic, and Yugoslav Muslim religious organizations over the course of the last century. Vjekoslav Perica emphatically rejects the notion that a "clash of civilizations" has played a central role in fomenting aggression. He finds no compelling evidence of an upsurge in religious fervor among the general population. Rather, he concludes, the primary religious players in the conflicts have been activist clergy. This activism, Perica argues, allowed the clergy to assume political power without the accountablity faced by democratically-elected officials. What emerges from Perica's account is a deeply nuanced understanding of the history and troubled future of one of Europes most volatile regions.
After Hitler brought Ante Pavelic to power in 1941, Pavelic created 34 "summary" courts throughout Croatia. He empowered every Croatian to arrest and kill Serbians without being charged with a crime. Any Croat could sit on these "courts," including former convicts who issued arrest warrants and passed out death sentences. Mobile courts roamed the countryside in which Serbs were arrested, tried, convicted and hanged-within hours of their capture. Numerous photographs of this period show thousands of victims hanging from trees and lamp posts throughout Croatia and Bosnia. Not a single person was brought to justice for these crimes against humanity. While the crimes of Jasenovac have finally, after 55 years, become the subject of discussion at an American college, it is paramount that we do not over-emphasize Jasenovac, as the vast majority of Serbian victims in the Holocaust were eliminated without being prisoners of any death camp, and were spared the grotesque deaths at camps like Jasenovac where victims were bludgeoned to death to save bullets, or worse, slowly dismembered to the pleasure of their tormentors.This book is the presentation of William Dorich at the First International Conference and Exhibition on the Jasenovac Concentration Camp sponsored by the Holocaust Resource Center at Kingsborough Community College, C.U.N.Y., New York. Its 60 pages reveal first person testimonies of some of the worse crimes of the 20th century including a partial list of 430 Roman Catholic priests who participated in the slaughters of tens of thousands of Serbs, then fled to Argentina with false passports created inside the "Vatican Ratline."