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Master's Thesis from the year 2004 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: 2 (B), University of Kent (Brussels School of International Studies), language: English, abstract: Although the world stood united behind America when the dust of the collapsed twin towers of the World Trade Centre settled, differences between the United States and Europe soon became apparent. Europe might have supported the US in Afghanistan, both politically and militarily, but diverging interests already became apparent when the US sidelined NATO and preferred to lead ‘Operation Enduring Freedom’ itself. The dispute escalated over the US plans to continue the war on terror in Iraq. Here, it emerged that the US and Europe do not share the same world view. While the US seem to perceive the world in Hobbesian terms, and believe that military strength is the only means to achieve security, Europe appears to understand security in the Kantian sense and believes that ‘perpetual peace’ can be achieved. The question that divided Europe and the US over Iraq then is more than a simple difference of opinion but reflects a deep philosophical division: Can global security be achieved by force or through sustained dedication to a set of normative principles implemented by the world community? Consequently, the counterterrorism strategies formulated in Europe and the US are of a fundamentally different nature, which cannot be explained merely by the discrepancy in military capabilities. If that would be the case, Europe would have begun to build up its military potential by now. Acknowledging that “terrorism has become one of the most pressing political problems,” (David Whittaker) the aim of this paper is to compare the US and the European approach to global terrorism, establish reasons for the differences and evaluate which approach might be more effective. As September 11, has changed our perception of security by demonstrating that even the US is, despite its unrivalled military superiority, vulnerable to attack, carried out by just 19 men armed with cardboard cutters, we should remain aware that the responses we chose to these attacks reflect our dedication to human rights, the rule of law and indeed freedom. Relying on military strength is easier than to acknowledge that terrorism is caused by a fundamentally unjust economical and political world order that markedly favours the West, yet it might ultimately prove to become more dangerous than terrorism itself, as it does nothing to resolve the problem but reinforces the world order that is the cause of the problem.
This book addresses the issue of grand strategic stability in the 21st century, and examines the role of the key centres of global power - US, EU, Russia, China and India - in managing contemporary strategic threats. This edited volume examines the cooperative and conflictual capacity of Great Powers to manage increasingly interconnected strategic threats (not least, terrorism and political extremism, WMD proliferation, fragile states, regional crises and conflict and the energy-climate nexus) in the 21st century. The contributors question whether global order will increasingly be characterised by a predictable interdependent one-world system, as strategic threats create interest-based incentives and functional benefits. The work moves on to argue that the operational concept of world order is a Concert of Great Powers directing a new institutional order, norms and regimes whose combination is strategic-threat specific, regionally sensitive, loosely organised, and inclusive of major states (not least Brazil, Turkey, South Africa and Indonesia). Leadership can be singular, collective or coalition-based and this will characterise the nature of strategic stability and world order in the 21st century. This book will be of much interest to students of international security, grand strategy, foreign policy and IR. Graeme P. Herd is Co-Director of the International Training Course in Security Policy at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP). He is co-author of several books and co-editor of The Ideological War on Terror: World Wide Strategies for Counter Terrorism (2007), Soft Security Threats and European Security (2005), Security Dynamics of the former Soviet Bloc (2003) and Russia and the Regions: Strength through Weakness (2003).
In the brief experience the world has had during the post-9/11 era, much has been made of the need for sharing intelligence in the war on terror, and a lot of emphasis has been placed on the desirability of interfaith dialogue between Christians and Muslims. But comparatively little attention has been paid to a crucial component of intercultural cooperation on the key global security issues facing the world today: that between and among the United States, Russia, and China. This book examines key security issues of the day from the perspectives of those three powers. From an American perspective, Russia represents an erstwhile enemy of the Cold War era who has the potential to become an ally, while China is poised to become either an enemy, an ally, or an economic rival, depending on whom you listen to. From a Russian perspective, the United States is a former ally during World War II turned Cold War enemy turned lone superpower, with the potential for cooperation and conflict, while China has always embodied both ally and rival, even during the Communist era. To the Chinese, who have had rivalries and cooperative relations with both powers, the United States is currently a valued supplier of both raw materials and a vast market for Chinese goods, while Russia and the United States are rivals in the scramble for influence in the Middle East and elsewhere. With such a complicated history and with a future fraught with all sorts of possibilities, how can these three key powers cooperate in managing and responding to global security threats and terrorism? This book examines key issues of the day, including the threat posed by al Qaeda, WMD, energy security, environmental security, ethnic and religious conflicts, and a nuclear North Korea, from the perspectives of the United States, Russia, and China. Each chapter is written by scholars from at least two of the three countries. In this manner, the book embodies that which it seeks to demonstrate, becoming in itself an artifact of intercultural cooperation in the new international security environment.
On September 11, 2001, a small number of desperate men hoping to earn paradise attacked New York and Washington, D.C. Their spectacular acts of destruction concluded America's nearly decade-long vacation from insecurity, known as the "post-Cold War era." As eras go, this one was short and it certainly ended with a bang, not a whimper. The United States, still sole superpower, was now challenged by a bleak new world. Americans do not care for the bleak and do not tolerate it for long. Predictably, national shock soon became righteous anger, coupled to international campaigns against groups and states held responsible for the scourge of terrorism. These were short-term measures that hurt our enemies but did not "fix" the problem. Not long after these events, the Foreign Policy Research Institute organized a new Center on Terrorism, Counterterrorism, and Homeland Security. Its purpose was to take a longer term view of the terrorism problem and what might be done about it--not only academic research but also policy suggestions. This book contains a broad selection of the Center's output, including essays on American strategy, homeland security, knowing the enemy, and the military dimension. A notable feature is the discussion of the educational issue: what and how to teach our children about terrorism.
The nature of security in Europe has been transformed in recent years. Security in 21st Century Europe argues that the defining feature of contemporary European security is the existence of a security community underpinned by the twin institutions of the EU and NATO, but that today the European security community, NATO and the EU face a growing array of external challenges and their ability to respond to those challenges is increasingly being called into question. Offering a systematic assessment of security in contemporary Europe, this third edition examines the changing character of European security and assesses the extent of the threats posed by recent challenges, as well as the policy dilemmas involved in responding to these challenges. It explores Europe's engagement with core thematic issues in European security, including military intervention, nuclear weapons, terrorism and non-military security. Providing both a substantive contribution to academic thinking on European security and a overview of debates on contemporary European security, this new edition offers: - Three new chapters on migration, climate change and cybersecurity - Coverage of all recent major developments related to European security, including: the Syrian civil war and the regional destabilization arising from it; Russia-Ukraine crisis; the rise of populism; the migration crisis; the acceleration of China's rise. Security in 21st Century Europe combines theory and detailed empirical analysis, exploring both how different theoretical perspectives can help us think about European security and concrete empirical developments in European security policies and institutions. This text is the perfect companion for advanced undergraduate and Master's level courses on European security, whether within courses in Security studies, European studies or International Relations.
Kay integrates traditional and emerging challenges in one study that gives readers the tools they need to develop a thoughtful and nuanced understanding of global security."--BOOK JACKET.
"The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic marks the most significant, singular global disruption since World War II, with health, economic, political, and security implications that will ripple for years to come." -Global Trends 2040 (2021) Global Trends 2040-A More Contested World (2021), released by the US National Intelligence Council, is the latest report in its series of reports starting in 1997 about megatrends and the world's future. This report, strongly influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic, paints a bleak picture of the future and describes a contested, fragmented and turbulent world. It specifically discusses the four main trends that will shape tomorrow's world: - Demographics-by 2040, 1.4 billion people will be added mostly in Africa and South Asia. - Economics-increased government debt and concentrated economic power will escalate problems for the poor and middleclass. - Climate-a hotter world will increase water, food, and health insecurity. - Technology-the emergence of new technologies could both solve and cause problems for human life. Students of trends, policymakers, entrepreneurs, academics, journalists and anyone eager for a glimpse into the next decades, will find this report, with colored graphs, essential reading.
This volume addresses the need for the United States and Europe to transform their respective approaches to homeland security in ways that are more attuned to 21st century challenges. Effective homeland security may begin at home, but in an age of catastrophic terrorism no nation is home alone. If Europeans and Americans are to be safer than they are today, individual national efforts must be aligned with more effective transatlantic cooperation.
" A Brookings Institution Press and the Nixon Center publication In this candid and sobering account, former Russian premier Yevgeny M. Primakov considers the threats posed by independent terrorist organizations to the security of the global community. As the attacks of September 11, 2001 made clear, the course of international affairs is no longer shaped exclusively by cooperation and confrontation among nations. Stateless factions with extreme agendas--their methods enhanced by globalization and technological advances--pose serious threats to global stability. Primakov expresses grave concern over the likelihood that independent terrorist organizations will obtain weapons of mass destruction. More than 100 nations are stockpiling nuclear material, he writes, and there is no reason to believe that all of it is well managed or protected. A terrorist group intent on developing a weapon can easily find the information and fissile material to develop a compact nuclear device. He recommends that the global community develop a comprehensive Charter on Terrorism to facilitate criminal prosecution of terrorism. And he urges Russia and the United States to join forces more readily to share information and intelligence about emerging terrorist threats. "