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This book is open access under a CC BY license. The book provides a critical and constructive assessment of the many contributions to social science and politics made by Professor R. J. Rummel. Rummel was a prolific writer and an important teacher and mentor to a number of people who in turn have made their mark on the profession. His work has always been controversial. But after the end of the Cold War, his views on genocide and the democratic peace in particular have gained wide recognition in the profession. He was also a pioneer in the use of statistical methods in international relations. His work in not easily classified in the traditional categories of international relations research (realism, idealism, and constructivism). He was by no means a pacifist and his views on the US-Soviet arms race led him to be classified as a hawk. But his work on the democratic peace has become extremely influential among liberal IR scholars and peace researchers. Above all, he was a libertarian.
The book provides a critical and constructive assessment of the many contributions to social science and politics made by Professor R. J. Rummel. Rummel was a prolific writer and an important teacher and mentor to a number of people who in turn have made their mark on the profession. His work has always been controversial. But after the end of the Cold War, his views on genocide and the democratic peace in particular have gained wide recognition in the profession. He was also a pioneer in the use of statistical methods in international relations. His work in not easily classified in the traditional categories of international relations research (realism, idealism, and constructivism). He was by no means a pacifist and his views on the US-Soviet arms race led him to be classified as a hawk. But his work on the democratic peace has become extremely influential among liberal IR scholars and peace researchers. Above all, he was a libertarian. This work was published by Saint Philip Street Press pursuant to a Creative Commons license permitting commercial use. All rights not granted by the work's license are retained by the author or authors.
This volume, newly published in paperback, is part of a comprehensive effort by R. J. Rummel to understand and place in historical perspective the entire subject of genocide and mass murder, or what he calls democide. It is the fifth in a series of volumes in which he offers a detailed analysis of the 120,000,000 people killed as a result of government action or direct intervention. In Power Kills, Rummel offers a realistic and practical solution to war, democide, and other collective violence. As he states it, "The solution...is to foster democratic freedom and to democratize coercive power and force. That is, mass killing and mass murder carried out by government is a result of indiscriminate, irresponsible Power at the center." Rummel observes that well-established democracies do not make war on and rarely commit lesser violence against each other. The more democratic two nations are, the less likely is war or smaller-scale violence between them. The more democratic a nation is, the less severe its overall foreign violence, the less likely it will have domestic collective violence, and the less its democide. Rummel argues that the evidence supports overwhelmingly the most important fact of our time: democracy is a method of nonviolence.
This international bestseller plumbs recently opened archives in the former Soviet bloc to reveal the accomplishments of communism around the world. The book is the first attempt to catalogue and analyse the crimes of communism over 70 years.
First Published in 1985. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
The Middle East: Crises, Conflicts, and Wars aims to evaluate the Middle East through international politics with diverse theoretical frameworks. Chapters have been written by many contributors who explore the Middle East from multiperspectives. The scope of this book is very comprehensive and many relevant issue areas are examined. In addition to focusing on the different perspectives of international relations, current problems are considered, especially in the axis of classic, modern and post-modern security studies. The main issues of Syria, Lebanon, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, the UAE, Jordan, Palestine, Kuwait, Oman, Yemen, Bahrain, Israel and Turkey are included. Maritime disputes, the Arab Spring, energy transfer, migration, the EU, hydro-politics, Green Sukuk (green Islamic bond), youth policies and strategic investments in the Middle East, are a number of the topics examined.
Between Homelands in Michael Ondaatje’s Fiction is a comprehensive study of the novels of the Sri Lankan-Canadian author and poet, Michael Ondaatje. This survey of the Booker Prize-winning novelist’s works locates him as a powerful voice that urges globalization and multiculture in a world that is closing its borders. It reconnoitres Ondaatje’s search for a homeland by cracking open the core of his evocative, inventive, and innovative concepts that undergird his art of storytelling. The contributors in this volume examine themes such as literary cosmopolitanism, Sri Lankan identity, diasporic identity, race and racism, home and belonging, trauma in the Sri Lankan civil war, war games, and uncertainty theory. An important contribution to Ondaatje studies, the book is an indispensable resource for students and researchers of Sri Lankan literature, diasporic and world literatures, South Asian and Canadian studies, cultural studies, postcolonial fiction, and history.
The transnationally coordinated response to "Covid-19" witnessed numerous developments reminiscent of the prewar years of the Third Reich, including the suspension of constitutional rights and freedoms, the rollout of draconian legislation, an attempted revolution from above (the "Great Reset"), the censorship of dissent, health surveillance, euthanasia, eugenics, the corruption of science by politics, and the hijacking of conscience. The list goes on. "Never again!" was the rallying cry after 1945, yet never again is now global. How did we get here? Wall Street, the Nazis, and the Crimes of the Deep State explores the role of Wall Street in promoting the rise of Hitler, funding the Nazi war machine, recruiting and rehabilitating ex-Nazis, and creating a transnational deep state inspired by Nazi methods. Wall Street has long preferred totalitarianism as the regime type most effective in crushing working-class resistance, and as capitalism once more enters a period of acute crisis, the aim is to replace liberal democracy with global technocracy—a novel, biodigital form of totalitarianism whose potential for social control exceeds anything imaginable by Hitler or Stalin. Wall Street, the Nazis, and the Crimes of the Deep State illustrates how totalitarianism does not spring into existence fully formed. In the case of Nazi Germany, the descent into barbarism took place gradually, over many years. Today, the warning signs from history are flashing red. Unless the global technocratic coup being attempted is put down, we can expect the centralization of power in a New World Order, the return of slavery, the privatization of the global commons, and the transformation of society into a biodigital camp, bringing an end to the rule of law and normalizing the use of eugenics and a systematic mass murder of dissidents.
This book examines Mohism as a movement in early China, focusing on the Mohists’ pursuit of power. Fashioning themselves as grassroots activists, the Mohists hoped to impact the elite by gaining entry in its community and influencing it from within. To create a less violent world, they deployed strategies of persuasion and negotiation but did not discard counterviolence in their dealings with the ruling class. In executing their activism, the Mohists produced knowledge that allowed them to hone their nonviolent strategies as well as to mount armed resistance to aggression. In addition, the Mohists paid significant attention to the issue of personhood, constructing a self-cultivation tradition unsparing in its demands for overcoming human conditions that would impede their performance as activists. This book situates Mohism in the history of nonviolent activism, and in that of negotiation and conflict resolution.
This is a book on conflict and consensus aimed at the general reader. In active, plain and direct language it makes the seemingly abstract and complex issues simple. Its view of peace is well-rounded, tough-minded, one that well understands the difficult world of social and personal violence and conflict. At its heart is a simple finding: "to wage peace we need to foster freedom." The human race can best achieve that simple aim by "leaving people alone to form their own communities." "The Conflict Helix "avoids the ambiguous in favor of the categorical; the hedged, qualified statement for the direct Rummel presents a series of basic principles, each concerning an aspect of conflict and peace - psychological, interpersonal, societal, international - and each aspect having its own master principle. These principles are not mere organizational props, but are deeply theoretical and empirically fundamental. The volume expresses the core ideas, results and conclusions of Rummel's major, five-volume work on "Understanding Conflict and War. "In discarding technical material and focusing on principles and meaning, "The Conflict Helix "presents an executive summary of a lifetime of work in a digestible form. In light of recent events in Europe, Asia and Latin American this work takes on a special poignancy for the developing no less than the industrialized worlds. Hence, this book should be of value to the general reader as well as professionals and advanced students of international politics.