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Richard B. Russell, Jr., Senator From Georgia
In 1897, the year Richard Brevard Russell, Jr., was born, the world was poised for a dramatic swing into a century that would see more changes in religion, politics, society, science, technology, and war than almost all other centuries of human history combined. It was a wild ride for a boy born to fulfill great expectations in the mercurial modern political arena yet reared to venerate the worn and vanishing splendor of the American South. He would become one of the half dozen most powerful men in Washington for a period of almost twenty years, and it would be frequently admitted, most notably by President Harry Truman, that if Russell had not been from Georgia, if he had been from a state such as Indiana, Illinois or Missouri, the Presidency could not have been denied him. His love of the South and his native state was such that when Truman¿s remark was quoted to him, Russell replied: ¿I¿d rather be from Georgia than be President.¿ This book acquaints the reader with a fascinating and complex man of contrasts. An ardent segregationist who fought civil rights legislation, Richard B. Russell was also the devoted father of the School Lunch Program. A Georgia farm boy, Russell almost idolized the agricultural society from which America sprang but embraced the nuclear age and space technology. An intense family man, he appreciated women, fell in love easily, and conducted numerous affairs. Yet Russell never married. Deeply private, he lived his entire adult life in the public eye. Richard Russell was good company. His personal story makes good reading.
For more than two decades, Richard B. Russell of Georgia and Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas wielded immense influence on major national decisions affecting the political life of the United States. The changing political and personal relationship of these two extraordinarily powerful men is engagingly described in Colleagues.Russell, a prestigious senator and leader of the Senate's Southern bloc, became Johnson's mentor and friend on Capitol Hill, and their interactions -- as allies and sometimes as adversaries -- continued into Johnson's presidency. But their close friendship eventually fell victim to Johnson's civil rights and Vietnam policies, as well as to a minor patronage squabble. Goldsmith, a longtime UPI reporter and syndicated columnist, who knew both men well, traces their relationship through such events as the McCarthy censure, the 1957 and 1964 civil rights acts, the Kennedy assassination, and the Vietnam War. With information taken from notes made by Russell himself, as well as oral history accounts and other original sources, Goldsmith has produced a comprehensive account of friendship that had significant ramifications for twenty years of the nation's history.Finally, Goldsmith offers a concluding chapter based on the just-released White House tapes of both the Johnson and Kennedy administrations. New insights and information about the Russell and Johnson relationships are available for the first time.
Born in 1861, eldest in a while, middle-class Southern family that lost everything material in the American civil war, Richard Russell grew up consumed with ambition to make a name for himself. His dream was to found an outstanding family and to hold the three highest offices in Georgia: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Governor, and United States senator. In striving for these ambitions, he married twice and ran for public office seventeen times. Although elected to lesser offices, he lost races for chief justice, governor, Congress, and the U.S. Senate. He was elected to the first Georgia Court of Appeals in 1906 and to the Supreme Court as chief justice in 1922. His first wife, Minnie Tyler, died in childbirth in 1886, leaving him bereft, but five years later he married again. With Ina Dillard he formed an exemplary marriage relationship that produced fifteen children, thirteen of whom survived to become responsible adults, credits to effective parenting. The eldest son, Richard Brevard Russell Jr., fulfilled the gubernatorial and senatorial dreams of his father, becoming governor of Georgia in 1931 and U.S. senator from Georgia in 1933, when he was thirty-five years old. He served thirty-seven years in the United States Senate and became Georgia's premier statesman of the twentieth century. Thanks to their father's emphasis on education and his willingness to pay for it, the Russell children studied law, medicine, the ministry and teaching and became respected professionals in their careers. The glory and difficulty of patriarchy come clear in this story of social and familial structures that both restricted and strengthened conscientious middle and upper-class white men of thepost-Civil War South.
During the civil rights movement, epic battles for justice were fought in the streets, at lunch counters, and in the classrooms of the American South. Just as many battles were waged, however, in the hearts and minds of ordinary white southerners whose world became unrecognizable to them. Jason Sokol’s vivid and unprecedented account of white southerners’ attitudes and actions, related in their own words, reveals in a new light the contradictory mixture of stubborn resistance and pragmatic acceptance–as well as the startling and unexpected personal transformations–with which they greeted the enforcement of legal equality.
The most important work by one of America's greatest twentieth-century philosophers, Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind is both the epitome of Wilfrid Sellars' entire philosophical system and a key document in the history of philosophy. First published in essay form in 1956, it helped bring about a sea change in analytic philosophy. It broke the link, which had bound Russell and Ayer to Locke and Hume--the doctrine of "knowledge by acquaintance." Sellars' attack on the Myth of the Given in Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind was a decisive move in turning analytic philosophy away from the foundationalist motives of the logical empiricists and raised doubts about the very idea of "epistemology." With an introduction by Richard Rorty to situate the work within the history of recent philosophy, and with a study guide by Robert Brandom, this publication of Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind makes a difficult but indisputably significant figure in the development of analytic philosophy clear and comprehensible to anyone who would understand that philosophy or its history.
This book explores the significance of the peach as a cultural icon and viable commodity in the American South.
“[A] colossal and brilliant saga . . . [This novel] may be the strongest and most compelling since the opener, How Few Remain.”—Publishers Weekly (starred review) Seventy years have passed since the first War Between the States. Jake Featherston, leader of the ruling Freedom Party, has won power in the South—and is taking his country and the world to the edge of an abyss. Charismatic and shrewd, he is whipping the Confederate States into a frenzy of hatred. Blacks are being rounded up and sent to prison camps, and the persecution has just begun. As the North stumbles through a succession of leaders, Featherston is feeling his might. With the U.S.A. locked in a bitter, bloody occupation of Canada, facing an intractable rebellion in Utah, and fatigued from a war in the Pacific against Japan, Featherston may pursue one dangerous proposition above all: that he can defeat the U.S.A. in an all-out war. Praise for The Victorious Opposition “Turtledove’s Great War/American Empire series is an epic achievement, a meticulously worked-out alternate history of the twentieth century’s great two-act tragedy. . . . Bravo! A fine performance by a master-craftsman.”—S. M. Stirling, author of Island in the Sea of Time “Anyone who loves history will love what Harry Turtledove can do with it.”—Larry Bond, New York Times bestselling author of Red Phoenix
Lyndon Johnson, when it comes to his role in the Vietnam war, is popularly portrayed as an irrational hawkish leader who bullied his advisers and refused to solicit a wide range of opinions. That depiction, David Barrett, argues, is simplistic and far from accurate.