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This book is only a preliminary study of the question of democratic control, which is now being eagerly discussed in all parts of the country. The aim of the publication of this volume is to lead those in authority, who can exercise far more influence than the author of this book, to give this problem the serious consideration to which it is entitled.
This book is only a preliminary study of the question of democratic control, which is now being eagerly discussed in all parts of the country. The aim of the publication of this volume is to lead those in authority, who can exercise far more influence than the author of this book, to give this problem the serious consideration to which it is entitled.
"This book is only a preliminary study of the question of democratic control, which is now being eagerly discussed in all parts of the country. The aim of the publication of this volume is to lead those in authority, who can exercise far more influence than the author of this book, to give this problem the serious consideration to which it is entitled. "--Provided by publisher.
Despite Asia's protracted economic troubles, the region is poised to recover and perhaps become stronger than ever. This timely work identifies the major challenges facing Asia's Four Tigers (Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea, and Hong Kong), Japan, China, and their Southeast Asian neighbors (Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines) as the region increases it role and stature on the world stage. Highly regarded Asia policy makers and opinion shapers consider such key questions as: What is the appropriate response to China's ascent? Are there prospects for U.S.-Asian partnerships (in such areas as the environment)? Is economic cooperation between both sides of the Pacific realistic? How can Americans gain from Asia's attempts to rebuild her institutions? And will East Asia and the United States adjust to a multi-polar security and economic milieu?
This text sums up the democratic experience in modern Western civilisation. It defines the term and notes the confusions in it, and its changing meanings over the past two centuries or so. It records criticisms, and is especially concerned with the conditions that are neccessary for it to exist. This encompasses a comprehensive literature which the author seeks to summarise and present to the reader in accessible form. It is appropriate material for course reading in Westen civilisation, intellectual history, political thought, and philosophy.
Representative politics is in crisis. Trust in politicians is at an all-time low. Fewer people are voting or joining political parties, and our interest in parliamentary politics is declining fast. Even oppositional and radical parties that should be benefitting from public disenchantment with politics are suffering. But different forms of political activity are emerging to replace representative politics: instant politics, direct action, insurgent politics. We are leaving behind traditional representation, and moving towards a politics without representatives. In this provocative new book, Simon Tormey explores the changes that are underway, drawing on a rich range of examples from the Arab Spring to the Indignados uprising in Spain, street protests in Brazil and Turkey to the emergence of new initiatives such as Anonymous and Occupy. Tormey argues that the easy assumptions that informed our thinking about the nature and role of parties, and ‘party based democracy’ have to be rethought. We are entering a period of fast politics, evanescent politics, a politics of the street, of the squares, of micro-parties, pop-up parties, and demonstrations. This may well be the end of representative politics as we know it, but an exciting new era of political engagement is just beginning.
All aspire to liberty and security in their lives but few people truly enjoy them. This book explains why this is so. In what Conor Gearty calls our 'neo-democratic' world, the proclamation of universal liberty and security is mocked by facts on the ground: the vast inequalities in supposedly free societies, the authoritarian regimes with regular elections, and the terrible socio-economic deprivation camouflaged by cynically proclaimed commitments to human rights. Gearty's book offers an explanation of how this has come about, providing also a criticism of the present age which tolerates it. He then goes on to set out a manifesto for a better future, a place where liberty and security can be rich platforms for everyone's life. The book identifies neo-democracies as those places which play at democracy so as to disguise the injustice at their core. But it is not just the new 'democracies' that have turned 'neo', the so-called established democracies are also hurtling in the same direction, as is the United Nations. A new vision of universal freedom is urgently required. Drawing on scholarship in law, human rights and political science this book argues for just such a vision, one in which the great achievements of our democratic past are not jettisoned as easily as were the socialist ideals of the original democracy-makers.
Kenneth Schultz explores the effects of democratic politics on the use and success of coercive diplomacy. He argues that open political competition between the government and opposition parties influences the decision to use threats in international crises, how rival states interpret those threats, and whether or not crises can be settled short of war. The relative transparency of their political processes means that, while democratic governments cannot easily conceal domestic constraints against using force, they can also credibly demonstrate resolve when their threats enjoy strong domestic support. As a result, compared to their non-democratic counterparts, democracies are more selective about making threats, but those they do make are more likely to be successful - that is, to gain a favorable outcome without resort to war. Schultz develops his argument through a series of game-theoretic models and tests the resulting hypothesis using both statistical analyses and historical case studies.
The idea of finding a 'third way' in politics has been widely discussed over recent months - not only in the UK, but in the US, Continental Europe and Latin America. But what is the third way? Supporters of the notion haven't been able to agree, and critics deny the possibility altogether. Anthony Giddens shows that developing a third way is not only a possibility but a necessity in modern politics.
Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.