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This book arises out of a conference entitled "Residential Mobility and Public Policy" held at the University of California, Los Angeles, on November 12-14, 1979. Experts from academic fields and practitioners involved in evaluation research and policy design at the federal level and individuals involved in program implementation at the local level attended the conference. Although all agreed that patterns of relocation of households in urban areas are of central importance in their policy work, they differed as to the nature of the problems of linking academic research and policy and, hence, of the intellectual paths to be pursued. The main purpose of this volume is to explore these differences and thereby provide a better understanding of the types of research on residential mobility which are likely to contribute to the policy process in the future.
This text focuses on a public health approach to the health and sickness of children and young people - comprising about a quarter of the population. It explores the state of health of our children, the historical roots of the specialty and the relation between early health and later adult health.
This rare interdisciplinary combination of research into neighbourhood dynamics and effects attempts to unravel the complex relationship between disadvantaged neighbourhoods and the life outcomes of the residents who live therein. It seeks to overcome the notorious difficulties of establishing an empirical causal relationship between living in a disadvantaged area and the poorer health and well-being often found in such places. There remains a widespread belief in neighbourhood effects: that living in a poorer area can adversely affect residents’ life chances. These chapters caution that neighbourhood effects cannot be fully understood without a profound understanding of the changes to, and selective mobility into and out of, these areas. Featuring fresh research findings from a number of countries and data sources, including from the UK, Australia, Sweden and the USA, this book offers fresh perspectives on neighbourhood choice and dynamics, as well as new material for social scientists, geographers and policy makers alike. It enriches neighbourhood effects research with insights from the closely related, but currently largely separate, literature on neighbourhood dynamics.
Over the past 30 years, economic distress in suburban neighborhoods has become more pronounced. This dissertation, which consists of three self-contained essays, examines how three types of mobility--residential, economic, and transportation--have contributed to the growing number of low-income households living in suburban communities. In the first essay, I assess the degree to which residential mobility has affected the income dynamics of metropolitan areas in the U.S. I find that poorer residents suburbanized rapidly between 1999 and 2015, leaving central-city neighborhoods for outlying areas at high rates. However, during the same time period, higher-income households also made urban-to-suburban moves in large numbers, meaning that the overall effect of population flows on suburban low-income rates was relatively modest. Results also show that low-income households that relocated from central-city neighborhoods to suburban communities were different from those that remained in urban neighborhoods. Specifically, urban-to-suburban movers were more likely to be white, had more household resources, and lived in origin neighborhoods with lower population densities and less transit supply than those that made intra-urban relocations. The second essay addresses the influence of economic mobility on the low-income rates of both urban and suburban geographies. The results indicate that in most suburban and urban neighborhood types, more residents transitioned out of low-income status than fell below the low-income threshold. Consequently, economic mobility generally led to aggregate decreases in the percentage of low-income individuals in a given type of neighborhood. At the household level, however, income volatility was more pronounced, and families living in older, moderately dense residential neighborhoods had a relatively high likelihood of experiencing downward economic mobility. Finally, the third essay investigates how low-income households adapt their transportation mobility to fit new residential contexts. In particular, I examine the relationship between inter-geography relocations and changes in automobile ownership. Findings demonstrate that poorer families adjusted their vehicle ownership to suit the built-environment characteristics of their destination neighborhoods. For example, carless households that made urban-to-suburban moves had a higher likelihood of acquiring a vehicle, ceteris paribus; by contrast, car-owning families that made suburban-to-urban moves had a relatively high probability of reducing their automobile ownership, and were more likely to become carless than households that moved within the suburbs.
Moving to Opportunity tackles one of America's most enduring dilemmas: the great, unresolved question of how to overcome persistent ghetto poverty. Launched in 1994, the MTO program took a largely untested approach: helping families move from high-poverty, inner-city public housing to low-poverty neighborhoods, some in the suburbs. The book's innovative methodology emphasizes the voices and choices of the program's participants but also rigorously analyzes the changing structures of regional opportunity and constraint that shaped the fortunes of those who "signed up." It shines a light on the hopes, surprises, achievements, and limitations of a major social experiment. As the authors make clear, for all its ambition, MTO is a uniquely American experiment, and this book brings home its powerful lessons for policymakers and advocates, scholars, students, journalists, and all who share a deep concern for opportunity and inequality in our country.
This dissertation investigates migration selectivity by socioeconomic status and its implications for community development and cumulative disadvantage for economically marginal places. In this thesis, I examine incidence of "poverty migration" (Fitchen 1995) of poor families into areas experiencing economic hardship and decline, documenting the effect on the economic status and social service capacity of receiving communities. Taking Upstate New York as the focus of my inquiry, I conduct a multi-method, multi-level research project to: (1) identify economically marginal places which appear to have experienced or are in the process of experiencing patterns of in-migration of poor families; (2) identify the characteristics of places which appear more at risk of experiencing such in-migration, and; (3) determine the effects of in-migration of poor families on community social service carrying capacity, and impacts on social structure of receiving communities.
Over 700,000 people moved for health reasons in the last year, and many more moved for reasons in which health was implicated, such as to escape climate hazards. Changes in the extent to which a residence promotes health should change housing prices--an important health and social exposure in its own right, as well as a mechanism through which numerous other features of a place are reshaped--yet the relationships between residential mobility, health, and housing markets remain poorly understood. This dissertation comprises three papers on the association of residential mobility with health and housing. In the first paper, I evaluate the effect of a localized change in healthcare access--the 2006 Massachusetts Healthcare Reform--on housing prices and interstate migration along the state border. I find an increase in the prices of affordable housing that is offset by a commensurate decrease in the price of luxury housing; I also observe a small increase in migration into Massachusetts versus into neighboring states. My second paper seeks to better understand the effects of climate migration on housing markets. Examining the impacts of displacement due to Hurricane Katrina, I show that housing prices decreased in destination neighborhoods that received the largest numbers of movers, relative to neighborhoods that did not receive large inflows. Effects are larger in predominantly Black destination neighborhoods than in predominantly White destination neighborhoods. I also find larger effects in places that received more economically disadvantaged movers relative to similar neighborhoods that received more advantaged movers. My third paper describes a collaboration with the Healthy Neighborhoods Study Consortium, for whom I constructed a data set of estimated moving flows between Massachusetts neighborhoods. I then created a web-based app to make the resulting estimates accessible to planners, community organizations, and residents. An overarching theme of this work is the recognition that communities share housing and health challenges with the places to which former residents move and the places from which new residents arrive.