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India runs the world`s oldest and one of the most comprehensive affirmative action policies in the form of reservations or quotas for its disadvantaged sections. Ever since its adaptation, this critical public policy remains the most controversial and polarising public policy that the Independent India has adopted as yet. While much of the national preoccupation over reservation have been devoted to debate its necessity and relevance in addressing exclusion and inequality, the country still seems to lack a data-based understanding of its enforcement across different domains. How earnestly state and its agencies have enforced the reservation policies? We know less about the trends of implementation in different domains and how or what percentage of population among these social groups have benefited from it. Fact is there are very few credible research studies on the issue of affirmative policies in India. This publication is an attempt to fill some of the void by compiling data on key domains of reservation policy apart from flagging crucial issues relating to linkages among the three key domains of reservations, namely, higher education, employment, and political representation. A comparison of all three domains in terms of implementation of reservation policies, across different time periods (e.g., pre- and post-Mandal phases) and among different regions, provides useful insights about these linkages. In doing so, the work throws some critical insights on the processes at work, and identifies areas for further research.
Contributed articles.
The paper examines the existing state of reservations, more specifically, reservation policies and reservations for government jobs for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in India. It discusses the progression and ramifications of these policies and how they have affected the democratization of politics. However, reservations for the OBCs were controversial, unlike the reservations for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, which were an accepted feature of government policy since Independence. Most of the disputes relate to the classification of beneficiaries in terms of social and economic discrimination with regard to caste and class and the exclusion of the creamy layer, or the well-off, among them. Controversies apart, OBC reservations have changed the social composition of educational institutions, bureaucracy, and legislatures and local government; as a consequence, these institutions are no longer the monopoly of the upper castes. These changes have occurred in the past few decades and are largely attributable to the unprecedented regime of reservations India adopted at the time of Independence, which was expanded further in subsequent decades. This analysis is situated at the intersection of public policy and political processes since reservations in India are linked to the project of inclusion of underrepresented groups in public institutions, which may otherwise be excluded by default. The strongest rationale for inclusion of particular social groups lies in the manner in which public institutions work-which is to say they often do not provide adequate policy concern for groups that are marginalized and deprived. It is this exclusion that provides the strongest justification for India's reservation regime.
With special reference to the Mandal Commission report and its impact.