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A reassessment of the role of French Radicals as thinkers and politicians.
With this book Isaac Kramnick adds a strong voice to the lively debate about the nature of political ideology in eighteenth-century England and America. Whereas the now-dominant "republican thesis" sees liberal ideology as virtually irrelevant in an age of civic commitment to a moral public order, Kramnick makes a strong case for a thriving liberalism in the Anglo-American world at the time of the American and French revolutions. In his view, both ideologies flourished during this period, and it is unwise to see one as the exclusive paradigm in which eighteenth-century political discourse took place. In short, he proposes to the republican school a scholarly truce.
With their dream of creating a republic that derived its legitimacy from the citizenry, the French Radical democrats, who saw themselves as the legitimate heirs of the 1789 and 1848 revolutions, formed the very heart of the political world of the Belle Epoque. Yet since the collapse of the Third Republic in 1940, their influence has steadily diminished and their flamboyant turn-of-the-century party leader, Camille Pelletan - wild haired, chronically rumpled, bombastic - is all but forgotten. How did the Radicals, who in five decades went from a semilegal opposition group during the Second Empire to the largest political party in the Third Republic's Chamber of Deputies, end in obsolescence and defeat? To answer this question, Judith F. Stone offers an original reassessment of radicalism and the political culture of the Third Republic, deftly analyzing its conflicting aspirations against a backdrop of class and gender conflict, an evolving constituency, and the birth of the career politician. With insights drawn from contemporary cultural and political literature, Stone attributes the Republic's failure to the inability of the Radicals to speak for both the people and the nation. Nevertheless, she reminds us just what an audacious departure it was to establish a republic in a major European state; because of the Radical democrats, a much broader range of educated bourgeois men - not simply aristocrats and haute bourgeoisie - had access to political power.
America has a long tradition of middle-class radicalism, albeit one that intellectual orthodoxy has tended to obscure. The Radical Middle Class seeks to uncover the democratic, populist, and even anticapitalist legacy of the middle class. By examining in particular the independent small business sector or petite bourgeoisie, using Progressive Era Portland, Oregon, as a case study, Robert Johnston shows that class still matters in America. But it matters only if the politics and culture of the leading player in affairs of class, the middle class, is dramatically reconceived. This book is a powerful combination of intellectual, business, labor, medical, and, above all, political history. Its author also humanizes the middle class by describing the lives of four small business owners: Harry Lane, Will Daly, William U'Ren, and Lora Little. Lane was Portland's reform mayor before becoming one of only six senators to vote against U.S. entry into World War I. Daly was Oregon's most prominent labor leader and a onetime Socialist. U'Ren was the national architect of the direct democracy movement. Little was a leading antivaccinationist. The Radical Middle Class further explores the Portland Ku Klux Klan and concludes with a national overview of the American middle class from the Progressive Era to the present. With its engaging narrative, conceptual richness, and daring argumentation, it will be welcomed by all who understand that reexamining the middle class can yield not only better scholarship but firmer grounds for democratic hope.
A stirring defense of liberalism against the dogmatisms of our time from an award-winning and New York Times bestselling author. Not since the early twentieth century has liberalism, and liberals, been under such relentless attack, from both right and left. The crisis of democracy in our era has produced a crisis of faith in liberal institutions and, even worse, in liberal thought. A Thousand Small Sanities is a manifesto rooted in the lives of people who invented and extended the liberal tradition. Taking us from Montaigne to Mill, and from Middlemarch to the civil rights movement, Adam Gopnik argues that liberalism is not a form of centrism, nor simply another word for free markets, nor merely a term denoting a set of rights. It is something far more ambitious: the search for radical change by humane measures. Gopnik shows us why liberalism is one of the great moral adventures in human history -- and why, in an age of autocracy, our lives may depend on its continuation.
A collection of America's historians, philosophers and theologians examines the role of religion in the founding of the United States. These essays, originally delivered at the Library of Congress, presents scholarship on a topic that still generates considerable controversy. Readers interested in colonial history, religion and politics, and the relationship between church and state should find the book helpful. Contributors include Daniel L. Driesbach, John Witte Jr, Thomas E. Buckley, Mark A. Knoll, Catherine A. Brekus, Michael Novak and James Hutson.
Democracies are in crisis. Can republican theory contribute to reforming our political norms and institutions? The 'neo-republican turn' has seen scholars using the classical republican tradition in reconstructing and developing a vision of public life as an alternative to liberalism. This volume offers new perspectives from leading scholars on how republicanism can help transform democratic theory and respond to some of its most pressing challenges. Drawing on this recent revival of republican political thought, its chapters reflect on such issues as the republican definition of freedom as nondomination and its relation to democracy and populism, the ideal of the common good, domination in the workplace and in the family, republicanism in a globalized world, and radical republican politics. It will appeal to researchers and students in political theory, political philosophy and the history of ideas, and anyone interested in gaining greater insight into the prospects and challenges of republican democracy in today's world.
Eloquently written and exhaustively researched, Principle and Interest provides a unique perspective on a range of topics--revolutionary ideology, political economy, the mechanics of party organization--central to an understanding of the period.
In Utilitarianism in the Early American Republic James E. Crimmins provides a fresh perspective on the history of antebellum American political thought. Based on a broad-ranging study of the dissemination and reception of utilitarian ideas in the areas of constitutional politics, law education, law reform, moral theory and political economy, Crimmins illustrates the complexities of the place of utilitarianism in the intellectual ferment of the times, in both its secular and religious forms, intersection with other doctrines, and practical outcomes. The pragmatic character of American political thought revealed—culminating in the postbellum rise of Pragmatism—stands in marked contrast to the conventional interpretations of intellectual history in this period. Utilitarianism in the Early American Republic will be of interest to academic specialists, and graduate and senior undergraduate students engaged in the history of political thought, moral philosophy and legal philosophy, particularly scholars with interests in utilitarianism, the trans-Atlantic transfer of ideas, the American political tradition and modern American intellectual history.