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First published in 1998, this volume asks: are groups or organisations beyond the sphere of Westminster politics doomed to be marginalised in mainstream news coverage, or can the currently fashionable emphasis upon media techniques and 'spin doctoring' offer such non-official news sources a means of securing media success?. This question is now surfacing as a major issue within politics and cultural debates, as well as within the sociology of the mass media and communication studies. We are living through a period of remarkable transformation in politics, culture and social arrangements. Communications experts in the 'new Labour' camp believe that trade unions must respond by becoming more sophisticated in their use of the media and marketing techniques; and by employing new vocabularies for communicating their messages to the public. However, can trade unions succeed in using the tricks of the 1990s spin doctor to restore their position?. This study uses extensive interviews with leading national newspaper journalists and senior figures within trade unions to explore the question. Drawing upon unique archive material the study points to the importance of government in fostering or undermining branches of journalism including coverage of labour relations.
The book covers the vocational training and employment of young workers in various European and North American advanced economies; the forms taken by regulation of youth economic activity and the effects of its deregulation; training systems, training policies and access to skilled work in various paired-country comparisons; and the links between trade unions and young workers in two country-specific case-studies.
The Polish crisis in the early 1980s provoked a great deal of reaction in the West. Not only governments, but social movements were also touched by the establishment of the Iindependent Trade Union Solidarnosc in the summer of 1980, the proclamation of martial law in December 1981, and Solidarnosc's underground activity in the subsequent years. In many countries, campaigns were set up in order to spread information, raise funds, and provide the Polish opposition with humanitarian relief and technical assistance. Labor movements especially stepped into the limelight. A number of Western European unions were concerned about the new international tension following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the new hard-line policy of the US and saw Solidarnosc as a political instrument of clerical and neo-conservative cold warriors. This book analyzes reaction to Solidarnosc in nine Western European countries and within the international trade union confederations. It argues that Western solidarity with Solidarnosc was highly determined by its instrumental value within the national context. Trade unions openly sided with Solidarnosc when they had an interest in doing so, namely when Solidarnosc could strengthen their own program or position. But this book also reveals that reaction in allegedly reluctant countries was massive, albeit discreet, pragmatic, and humanitarian, rather than vocal, emotional, and political.
This study provides up-to-date analysis of the often problematic relationship between various elements of British political culture and the developing European Union. The book concludes by discussing future relations between Britain and Europe.
Russell Holden considers the policy reversal on Europe made by the Labour Party between 1983 and 1999. It charts and analyzes how the Party became pro-European, with particular emphasis on how this change was conceived and implemented. In so doing, it concentrates on how the European issue became a political priority and dynamic tool for promoting economic reform and Party unity, two essential requirements in making the Party - New Labour - a credible alternative government in the eyes of the general public.