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Following a review of disability employment support in 2011, the Government announced its intention to reduce and ultimately withdraw funding for Remploy. 36 factories were sold or closed in the first phase of this process. In December 2012, it was revealed that the remaining factories would be put up for sale and the Government invited bids. This included Remploy Marine Fife. Remploy Marine Fife is an internationally recognised business producing 30,000 lifejackets a year. It has a full order book, and some capacity to expand. Its products have an international quality Kitemark. The markup - apparently over £100 - applied by the factories' customer, Ocean Safety, seems exorbitant and is difficult to justify. The Government should look again at how Remploy agreed this contract on such generous terms for the client. This business has considerable potential and should be supported accordingly. This high quality manufacturing base in Fife must be maintained otherwise it is likely that it - and the design and expertise developed here - will be transferred overseas. A "one size fits all" approach does not take account of the unique circumstances and potential of Remploy Marine Fife. One of the central criteria by which bids for the Remploy sites will be judged is sustaining the workforce in employment. The Committee rejects the DWP and Remploy's unyielding, inflexible approach and failure to offer adequate transitional support
Zero hours contracts and other forms of casual labour can benefit workers and employers in Scotland but the Scottish Affairs Committee's inquiry has shown that, too often, the relationship is unbalanced, leaving the employer with all of the flexibility and few costs and the worker in fear of dismissal, denied access to due rights of employment and, in some cases, earning less than the minimum wage. The Government recognises that poor practice exists and needs to be addressed but the UK Government's consultation on zero hours contracts was too narrow. The Government must do more to protect workers who wish to challenge unfair, unsafe or unlawful conditions of employment. Workers should be told from the outset of their employment what type of contract they are on and a written contract setting out the terms and conditions must follow within two months. There should be a minimum notice period of work and workers should not be punished for turning down offers of work made within that period. Where workers arrive for work but find none available then the employer should compensate them for the inconvenience. Travel time between appointments should be paid and pay for zero hours workers should accurately reflect the number of hours that are worked to fulfil contracted duties. The recommendations will improve the working conditions of people on zero hours contracts but the Committee's overriding conclusion is that, in the majority of cases, zero hours contracts need not and should not be used at all.
The Scottish Government's plan to negate the future effects of the bedroom tax in Scotland is inadequate, and further that the route they have identified - using Discretionary Housing Payments (DHPs) - is flawed. The Committee has taken evidence in Scotland and Westminster on the impacts of the bedroom tax but also on the best and most effective ways of mitigating those effects. The Committee reiterates its call for the Scottish Government to meet all the bedroom tax charges for Scottish tenants, write off all the arrears, and refund all the payments that have been made, as the only fair and workable way forward.
Today Scotland's interests in the European Union are represented by the UK which, as one of the largest Member States, has the voting power and leverage to influence decisions to the benefit of Scotland. In leaving the UK, a separate Scotland would lose this advantage. A separate Scotland is likely to have its application to join the EU accepted - but not within the self-imposed timetable of 18 months, nor with the terms, that the Scottish Government is proposing. The proposal that Article 48 of the Treaty on European Union could be used to provide for Scottish membership is not supported by any other EU state; senior EU figures have ruled it out and it is opposed by the United Kingdom Government - which would, under this process, have to initiate it. The additional and exceptional demand for the ability to discriminate against UK students with respect to tuition fees would be voted against by the UK Government and is therefore almost certain not to be met. Furthermore, insufficient attention has been paid to the need to negotiate the UK's retention of VAT zero rating on a wide range of goods. As a separate Member State, not only would Scotland cease to benefit from the UK rebate (currently worth in the region of £300 million per year to Scotland) but it would have to contribute to it. In these circumstances Scottish voters need a more realistic alternative perspective of how joining the EU would be achieved, and what its likely terms and timetable would be.
The Scottish Government's White Paper must make absolutely clear the details of both its foreign and defence policies. Much of what has been suggested up to now suffers from a conspiracy of optimism. The most explicit pledges made to date include: that the whole cost of security and defence will be no more than £2.5 billion, that personnel in the armed services will total 15,000 full time and 5,000 reserve personnel, and that the defence force will include "current Scottish raised and restored UK regiments". Will we then have a defence force which is army heavy? An army which is infantry heavy? Or will historic regiments be redesignated as platoons, reserves or non-infantry units? If Faslane is to be kept at its existing workforce, how will people be retrained? What costs will be inccurred in the transition to the new Scottish Defence Force? What are the implications for procurement whether or not Scotland gets the assets it wants? Hanging over all of this is the future of Trident. Will a separate Scotland impose unilateral nuclear disarmament on the UK? Furthermore, membership for Scotland of NATO will require not only the unanimous agreement of all the existing NATO members, but also the resolution of any disputes with the UK. The Scottish Government must spell out what wages and conditions it would propose to offer to compensate those who would leave behind participation in world class armed services. The people of Scotland are entitled to expect that those who propose drastic change can explain what the consequences would be.
In this report the Committee has set out key elements of its work over the 2010-15 Parliament. The Committee believes that it is crucial that select committees follow up their work and do not simply see the publication of a report as the end of the process of scrutiny. Scrutiny should not end with the Dissolution of Parliament. The Scottish Government was clear that the 2014 referendum on independence would be a once generation event, but that does not mean that the relationship between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom will remain unchanged. The recommendations of the Smith Agreement will be implemented during the course of the next Parliament. The major package of legislation, and the revised fiscal framework that will accompany it, will require careful and detailed scrutiny, as will any proposals to go further that the Smith Commission envisaged.
This inquiry investigates key issues that affect the daily lives of those people who live in the south of Scotland. The Committee held informal seminars in Galashiels, Peebles and Dumfries, in May and June 2014, in order to identify the key issues facing businesses, communities and individuals in the south of Scotland. Several of the issues raised in the meetings focused on the social and economic needs of the residents of the south of Scotland, many of which related to devolved functions which are the responsibility of the Scottish Government. However, some crucial issues were raised which were a direct consequence of the policies and responsibilities of the UK Government, specifically for example, in relation to employment issues. The inquiry will seek to examine the bigger picture, and to address two central questions: i) Are the current structures working as effectively as they could for the benefit of the people of the south of Scotland? ii) How can the UK and Scottish Governments work together with Local Authorities to deliver appropriate and effective policies to support economic development and growth in the south of Scotland?This document sets out the specific terms of reference for the inquiry, raising questions and issues on which the Committee would welcome written evidence.
This is the third report from the Scottish Affairs Committee on blacklisting in the construction industry in Scotland. The earlier interim reports published as 9th report, session 2012-13 (HC 1071, ISBN 9780215056832) and 6th report, session 2013-14 (HC 543, ISBN 9780215069535). The 9th report focused specifically on the work of The Consulting Association (TCA) and considered the issue of compensation for those workers who had been blacklisted. Significant progress has been made in highlighting and addressing issues relating to blacklisting: the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) has launched its own investigation; many victims of blacklisting are bringing individual case to the High Court and a new compensation scheme, the Construction Workers Compensation Scheme (TCWCS), for blacklisted workers has been launched by eight of the companies that used the services of TCA. The 6th report aimed to identify ways of moving forward, both by addressing the crimes of the past and by identifying rules and structures to prevent such widespread and systematic exclusion of workers from employment from ever happening again. In this third interim report the Committee welcomes the significant progress which has been made in both revealing the practice of blacklisting, and in seeking redress for the victims, and families of the victims, of this odious practice. The Committee will continue to explore what more could be done to redress the crimes of the past and to ensure that reform in the industry to eradicate this practice is genuine, effective and comprehensive in its effects.
On cover and title page: House, committees of the whole House, general committees and select committees. On title page: Returns to orders of the House of Commons dated 14 May 2013 (the Chairman of Ways and Means)