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This critical analysis investigates the causes that brought about one of the most tumultuous periods in modern Egyptian history – the clashes between the Muslims and Copts during the 1970s. A unique retrospective, it features probing interviews with Egyptian intellectuals, writers, political and religious leaders, as well as common citizens from both the Muslim and Copt communities. Within a framework of economic, political and ideological factors, Nadia Ramsis Farah is able to synthesize a compelling portrait of a troubled national conscience in the face of religious strife. First published 1986.
Review: "Christians versus Muslims in Modern Egypt is the first study of Christian identity politics in contemporary Egypt. S.S. Hasan begins by looking at how the Coptic generation of the 1940s and 1950s remembered, recovered, and imagined the ancient history of Christianity in Egypt in order to weld the Copts into a unified nation, resistant to the growing encroachments of Islam. She argues that this interpretation of history, in which Egyptian martyrs figure prominently, made possible the rebirth of the Coptic church and community - in much the same way as the preservation of Hebrew and the historical memory of Jewish tribulations served the purpose of national reconstruction of the state of Israel."--Jacket
What, exactly, is secularism? What has the West's long familiarity with it inevitably obscured? In this work, Hussein Ali Agrama tackles these questions. Focusing on the fatwa councils and family law courts of Egypt just prior to the revolution, he delves deeply into the meaning of secularism itself and the ambiguities that lie at its heart.
The recent revolution in Egypt has shaken the Arab world to its roots. The most populous Arab country and the historical center of Arab intellectual life, Egypt is a lynchpin of the US's Middle East strategy, receiving more aid than any nation except Israel. This is not the first time that the world and has turned its gaze to Egypt, however. A half century ago, Egypt under Nasser became the putative leader of the Arab world and a beacon for all developing nations. Yet in the decades prior to the 2011 revolution, it was ruled over by a sclerotic regime plagued by nepotism and corruption. During that time, its economy declined into near shambles, a severely overpopulated Cairo fell into disrepair, and it produced scores of violent Islamic extremists such as Ayman al-Zawahiri and Mohammed Atta. In this new and updated paperback edition of The Struggle for Egypt, Steven Cook--a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations--explains how this parlous state of affairs came to be, why the revolution occurred, and where Egypt is headed now. A sweeping account of Egypt in the modern era, it incisively chronicles all of the nation's central historical episodes: the decline of British rule, the rise of Nasser and his quest to become a pan-Arab leader, Egypt's decision to make peace with Israel and ally with the United States, the assassination of Sadat, the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood, and--finally--the demonstrations that convulsed Tahrir Square and overthrew an entrenched regime. And for the paperback edition, Cook has updated the book to include coverage of the recent political events in Egypt, including the election of the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsi as President. Throughout Egypt's history, there has been an intense debate to define what Egypt is, what it stands for, and its relation to the world. Egyptians now have an opportunity to finally answer these questions. Doing so in a way that appeals to the vast majority of Egyptians, Cook notes, will be difficult but ultimately necessary if Egypt is to become an economically dynamic and politically vibrant society.
The assassination of Sadat brings to an end another era in Egyptian history. This book examines the crucial issues in the transformation of Egypt in the period between the death of Nasser and the murder of Sadat. Focusing on the upheavals in the Egyptian political and economic structure over the last twenty years, the book explains the change in Egypt's international orientation through a careful examination of domestic factors. The switch from Nasser's state socialist-political economy to Sadat's more laissez-faire approach and the institutional and structural links between the two are analysed as the key to understanding the dynamic developments within Egypt. The book argues that the propagation of a new political economy was the primary basis of Sadat's ability to remain in power, while the weaknesses in that economy drove Sadat to seek external solutions and ultimately undermined his domestic support. His conduct of the 1973 war, his trip to Jerusalem, his enthusiasm for the United States and his whole perception of Middle Eastern affairs must be seen in terms of his domestic policies and internal troubles. First published 1982.
While opportunities to learn about the religious other need to be much more widely available, especially in countries experiencing religious conflict, considerable progress has been made in recent years. Particularly promising are the new programs being developed in Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, and Indonesia. But to build on the progress already made, mechanisms must be developed to enable professors in this field to share their materials and approaches with others. The introduction of Internet-based resources may be one such solution.
The ensuing clash--between Islamism and Nationalism, Shi'a and Sunni, and other factions within these communities--
Christians in the Middle East have come under increasing pressure in recent years with the rise of radical Islam. In Egypt, the large Coptic Christian community has traditionally played an important political and historical role. This book examines Egyptian Christians' responses to sectarian pressures in both national and local contexts.
This book explores the political relationship between the Muslim majority and Coptic minority in Egypt between 1918 and 1952. Many Egyptians hoped to see the collaboration of the 1919 revolution spur the creation of both a new collective Egyptian identity and a state without religious bias. Traditional ways of governing, however, were not so easily cast aside. Some Egyptians held tenaciously to the traditional arrangements which had both guaranteed Muslim primacy and served relatively well to protect the Copts and afford them some autonomy. Differences within the Coptic community over the wisdom of trusting the genuineness and durability of Muslim support for equality were accentuated by a protracted struggle between reforming laymen and conservative clergy for control of the community. The unwillingness of all parties to compromise hampered the ability of the community both to determine and to defend its interests. The Copts met with modest success in their attempt to become full Egyptian citizens. Their influence in the Wafd, the pre-eminent political party, was very strong prior to and in the early years of the constitutional monarchy, and their formal representation was generally adequate and, in some parliaments, better than adequate. However, this very success produced a backlash which caused many Copts to believe, by the 1940s, that the experiment had failed: political activity has become fraught with risk for them. At the close of the monarchy, equality and shared power seemed motions as distant as in the disheartening years before the 1919 revolution.
Egyptian education is a central, social and economic force in the Middle East. For hundreds of years Al Azhar University has been the centre of Islamic thinking and education. More recently Egypt became the leader in secular education as Mohammed Ali established the first medical, veterinarian, engineering and accounting schools in the Middle East. Nasser expanded Egyptian educational leadership by providing free education for Muslem students from neighbouring countries. The extensive exportation of Egyptian educators to initiate and educate in schools and universities throughout the Arab speaking world has shaped the secular and religious leaders of those countries. This book traces the history of Egyptian education over the last hundred years and highlights the key factors which have given Egyptian education its particular quality and influence within the Arab world. First published 1986.