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In the Western imagination, Islamic cultures are dominated by dogmatic religious norms that permit no nuance. Those fighting such stereotypes have countered with a portrait of Islam’s medieval “Golden Age,” marked by rationality, tolerance, and even proto-secularism. How can we understand Islamic history, culture, and thought beyond this dichotomy? In this magisterial cultural and intellectual history, Thomas Bauer reconsiders classical and modern Islam by tracing differing attitudes toward ambiguity. Over a span of many centuries, he explores the tension between one strand that aspires to annihilate all uncertainties and establish absolute, uncontestable truths and another, competing tendency that looks for ways to live with ambiguity and accept complexity. Bauer ranges across cultural and linguistic ambiguities, considering premodern Islamic textual and cultural forms from law to Quranic exegesis to literary genres alongside attitudes toward religious minorities and foreigners. He emphasizes the relative absence of conflict between religious and secular discourses in classical Islamic culture, which stands in striking contrast to both present-day fundamentalism and much of European history. Bauer shows how Islam’s encounter with the modern West and its demand for certainty helped bring about both Islamicist and secular liberal ideologies that in their own ways rejected ambiguity—and therefore also their own cultural traditions. Awarded the prestigious Leibniz Prize, A Culture of Ambiguity not only reframes a vast range of Islamic history but also offers an interdisciplinary model for investigating the tolerance of ambiguity across cultures and eras.
Current interest in the relation of religion and politics is intense in both the US and Germany. Yet observers are regularly struck by fundamental divergences between approaches to and conceptualisations of this field on either side of the Atlantic. This volume, containing contributions by German and US authors from various disciplinary backgrounds, seeks to offer some clarification by elucidating traditional and newly emerging differences between, but also common challenges to, these societies in issues such as pluralism of values, religious education, the role of religious minorities, the relation of religion and elite formation, and religious aspects of voting patterns.
The authors of this book analyze the mechanisms and strategies that allow specific religious actors to affect the foreign policy agenda and decisions of the countries in which they are active. Paying special attention to events and phenomena that have had a decisive impact on regional and global development, this book provides an international outlook on how the activities of religious actors can influence foreign policy. The research subject was inspired by the idea of identifying what dynamics are occurring and whether there are any discernible trends.
Given the profound moral-ethical controversies regarding the use of new biotechnologies in medical research and treatment, such as embryonic research and cloning, this book sheds new light on the role of religious organizations and actors in influencing the bio-political debates and decision-making processes. Further, it analyzes the ways in which religious traditions and actors formulate their bio-ethical positions and which rationales they use to validate their positions. The book offers a range of case studies on fourteen Western democracies, highlighting the bio-ethical and political debates over human stem cell research, therapeutic and reproductive cloning, and pre-implantation genetic diagnosis. The contributing authors illustrate the ways in which national political landscapes and actors from diverse and often fragmented moral communities with widely varying moral stances, premises and commitments formulate their bio-ethical positions and seek to influence political decisions.
The Power of Religion in the Public Sphere represents a rare opportunity to experience a diverse group of preeminent philosophers confronting one pervasive contemporary concern: what role does or should religion play in our public lives? Reflecting on her recent work concerning state violence in Israel-Palestine, Judith Butler explores the potential of religious perspectives for renewing cultural and political criticism, while Jürgen Habermas, best known for his seminal conception of the public sphere, thinks through the ambiguous legacy of the concept of "the political" in contemporary theory. Charles Taylor argues for a radical redefinition of secularism, and Cornel West defends civil disobedience and emancipatory theology. Eduardo Mendieta and Jonathan VanAntwerpen detail the immense contribution of these philosophers to contemporary social and political theory, and an afterword by Craig Calhoun places these attempts to reconceive the significance of both religion and the secular in the context of contemporary national and international politics.
The increased interest in religion as a phenomenon and its various cultural contexts is encouraging a focus on the relationship between religion and politics. However, the political relevance of the religious and the interdependence between political and religious spheres has always been a major area of medieval research. The articles in this volume consider not only the principle inseparability of both spheres as previously established by research, but also the beginnings of a differentiation and relative autonomy of religion and politics within the framework of a comparison between Germany and the United Kingdom. This allows the identification of restrictions within the research traditions that are due to national histories and points to ways of overcoming these restrictions.
Religion is resurgent across the globe. In many countries religion is a powerful source of political mobilization, and in some a potent social cleavage. In some religion reinforces the state, in others it provides the space for resistance. This book contains a series of detailed studies examining religion and politics in specific countries or regions. The cases include countries with one dominant religious tradition, and others with two or more competing traditions. They include Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Hinduism, Shinto and Buddhism. They include states where religion and politics are closely linked, and others with at least a low wall of separation between church and state. The cases are organized by the type of religious marketplace, but allow many other comparisons as well. We develop some generalizations from the cases, and hope that they will be a fertile source of theorizing for others.
With the departure of European Muslims to the “Islamic State” and a wave of terrorist attacks in Europe in recent years, the questions of why and how individuals radicalize to Jihadi extremism attracted keen interest. This thesis examines how individuals radicalize by applying a theoretical framework that primarily refers to social capital theory, the economics of religion, and social movement theory. The analysis of the biographical backgrounds, pathways of radicalization, and network connections of more than 1,300 Jihadi extremists from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland shows that radicalization primarily need to be considered as a social process of isolation from former social contacts and affiliation with a new religious group. Radicalization is characterized by the transformation of social capital and often channeled through so-called “strong ties” to friends and family members. These peer networks constitute the social fundament of radical clusters on the local level which are usually linked to a broader milieu through exclusive mosque communities and religious authorities. Bonding social capital within these radical groups minimizes the risk of betrayal and promotes trust essential for clandestine and risky activities.
In a powerful challenge to conventional wisdom, Philip Hamburger argues that the separation of church and state has no historical foundation in the First Amendment. The detailed evidence assembled here shows that eighteenth-century Americans almost never invoked this principle. Although Thomas Jefferson and others retrospectively claimed that the First Amendment separated church and state, separation became part of American constitutional law only much later. Hamburger shows that separation became a constitutional freedom largely through fear and prejudice. Jefferson supported separation out of hostility to the Federalist clergy of New England. Nativist Protestants (ranging from nineteenth-century Know Nothings to twentieth-century members of the K.K.K.) adopted the principle of separation to restrict the role of Catholics in public life. Gradually, these Protestants were joined by theologically liberal, anti-Christian secularists, who hoped that separation would limit Christianity and all other distinct religions. Eventually, a wide range of men and women called for separation. Almost all of these Americans feared ecclesiastical authority, particularly that of the Catholic Church, and, in response to their fears, they increasingly perceived religious liberty to require a separation of church from state. American religious liberty was thus redefined and even transformed. In the process, the First Amendment was often used as an instrument of intolerance and discrimination.
Animated by a sense of urgency that was heightened by the massive violence following the destruction of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992, Contesting the Nation explores Hindu majoritarian politics over the last century and its dramatic reformulation during the decline of the Congress Party in the 1980s.