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Important aspects of the history of language in the United States remain shrouded in myth and legend. The notion of "one nation, one language" is part of the idealized history of the United States, although in its short history it has probably been host to more bilingual people than any other country in the world. Language is more than a means of communication. It brings into play an entire range of experiences and attitudes toward life. Furthermore, language is a potent symbolic issue because it links power and political claims of ownership with psychological demands for group worth. How people belonging to different language and cultural communities live together in the same political community and how political and structural tensions arise to divide them along language lines, are questions addressed in The Politics of Language. This book analyzes the historical background and recent controversy over language in the United States and compares it to two official multilingual societies: Canada and Switzerland. It's accessibility as a survey of this topic makes it ideal for courses in linguistics, political science, and sociology.
In this book, Barbora Moormann-Kimáková analyses the possibility of finding an optimal language regime in multinational and multiethnic countries – either by defining the contents of an optimal language regime, or with the help of a criterion enabling to evaluate whether a language regime is optimal or not. The process of the selection or change of a language regime often becomes a matter of a language-related conflict. These conflicts are mostly accompanied by other political or social conflicts, as for example in Ukraine or former Yugoslavia, which render solutions – and their evaluation – difficult. The author claims that language regimes can be evaluated based on the increase or lack of their legitimacy in the eyes of the relevant actors. This is demonstrated in four language regime studies on the European Union, Soviet Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and South Africa.
In order to shed light on the complex relationships between language(s) and conflict(s) and, in so doing, to contribute to the necessary expansion of the research field into language conflicts, the present volume addresses a broad spectrum of questions and issues regarding language politics and language situations in connection with language conflicts in multilingual societies in Eastern Europe. Most notably, this volume is a combination of theoretical and methodological considerations with elaborate empirical research in the form of mass surveys or focus group discussions. Accordingly, the present volume consists of a methodological-theoretical introduction to linguistic conflict research followed by three thematic sections on language interactions, language politics, and language situations in multilingual societies in Eastern Europe. This book is the second volume presenting the results of an international sociolinguistic project comparing bi- and multilingual situations in present-day Ukraine and Russia. This trilateral project was funded by the Volkswagen Foundation (2016-2019) within the framework of its funding programme Trilateral Partnerships - Cooperation Projects between Scholars and Scientists from Ukraine, Russia, and Germany. This volume presents the contributions to the project's concluding conference in Giessen in 2019.
This book explores and assesses the multiple levels at which linguistic policies can be challenged, devised and enacted, i.e. sub-national, national and supranational, and the variety of state and non-state actors involved. Moving beyond descriptive and normative approaches, it provides an empirical comparative assessment of the policy responses and strategies deployed to deal with linguistic diversity and conflicts in Spain, a country where almost one third of the population is at least bilingual in their own languages. The Spanish case is then assessed within the European context, both from the perspective of multilevel influence and mutual interaction, and from the learning experiences it may entail for similar or equivalent problems and disputes occurring at the European level or beyond. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of Spanish politics, linguistics, identity politics and more broadly of European politics and governance, public policy, education and communication policy and comparative politics.
This book explores and assesses the multiple levels at which linguistic policies can be challenged, devised and enacted, i.e. sub-national, national and supranational, and the variety of state and non-state actors involved. Moving beyond descriptive and normative approaches, it provides an empirical comparative assessment of the policy responses and strategies deployed to deal with linguistic diversity and conflicts in Spain, a country where almost one third of the population is at least bilingual in their own languages. The Spanish case is then assessed within the European context, both from the perspective of multilevel influence and mutual interaction, and from the learning experiences it may entail for similar or equivalent problems and disputes occurring at the European level or beyond. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of Spanish politics, linguistics, identity politics and more broadly of European politics and governance, public policy, education and communication policy and comparative politics.
Non-linguistic conflicts are often projected on to language differences, and may be played out in the language policies of governments and other holders of power. This text deals broadly with this interaction of language issues and political process.
The Routledge Handbook of Language in Conflict presents a range of linguistic approaches as a means for examining the nature of communication related to conflict. Divided into four sections, the Handbook critically examines text, interaction, languages and applications of linguistics in situations of conflict. Spanning 30 chapters by a variety of international scholars, this Handbook: includes real-life case studies of conflict and covers conflicts from a wide range of geographical locations at every scale of involvement (from the personal to the international), of every timespan (from the fleeting to the decades-long) and of varying levels of intensity (from the barely articulated to the overtly hostile) sets out the textual and interactional ways in which conflict is engendered and in which people and groups of people can be set against each other considers what linguistic research has brought, and can bring, to the universal aim of minimising the negative effects of outbreaks of conflict wherever and whenever they occur. The Routledge Handbook of Language in Conflict is an essential reference book for students and researchers of language and communication, linguistics, peace studies, international relations and conflict studies.
The idea of Peace Linguistics (PL) has been around for decades. However, the practice of PL has only occurred much more recently, only within the last few years, since the first creditbearing, university-level PL course was taught at Brigham Young University-Hawaii in 2017. Since then, the field of NPL has grown beyond its original goals, of using peaceful language and language that avoids or de-escalates conflict. The New Peace Linguistics (NPL) focuses on in-depth, systematic analyses of the spoken and written language of some of the most powerful people in the world, such as presidents of the USA, as it is they who have the power to start wars or to bring peace. As the first book to be published on PL and on NPL, this work represents a ground-breaking study of the power of language to hurt and harm or to help and give hope. The first four chapters of the book, which provide the foundation on which the rest of the book is built, introduce the concept of Peace Linguistics and the New Peace Linguistics, starting with the origins of PL and coming to the present day. The remaining Part Two and Part Three chapters present in-depth, systematic NPL analyses of George W. Bush, Colin L. Powell, Barack H. Obama, Donald J. Trump and Joseph R. Biden. The concluding chapter reiterates the most important distinguishing and recurring features of NPL, and looks at where the field may be headed in the future.
A compelling account of the relationship of language and politics, this study illustrates how language reinforced class distinctions in 18th- and 19th-century England. During this repressive period, concepts of vulgar and refined language reinforced class distinctions and, at moments of political conflict--such as trials for sedition--these ideas were used to deny political and social rights to those deemed "vulgar." Smith also examines the radical literati and self-educated leaders who challenged the accepted "politics of language"--among them Wordsworth, Coleridge, Spence, and Cobbett.