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This collective work examines the different conservatisms displayed in the UK and US, particularly in the areas of the meaning of rights, their foreign policy mission, the role of religious activism within their respective party politics, and the impact of the current economic crisis on free-market economic orthodoxy. Drawn from both political scientists and civilizationists, each of these four areas is explored in this work from both the US and the UK perspective. During the 1980’s, United Kingdom Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the United States President Ronald Reagan shared a close relationship both on a personal level, and also politically in the areas of anticommunism and free-market economics. Thirty years later, can we still say that UK and US conservatism continue to share this ideological alignment? This question was explored at a conference held in Rennes France in November 2010, held in the wake of the Conservative victory in the 2010 general election followed by the attainment of a Republican majority in the House of Representatives in the US November elections. This will add to the scholarly mosaic of understanding of what constitutes conservatism, and help clarify the common strands of thought which unite them.
Liberal left orthodoxy holds that Brexit is a disastrous coup, orchestrated by the hard right and fuelled by xenophobia, which will break up the Union and turn what’s left of Britain into a neoliberal dystopia. Richard Tuck’s ongoing commentary on the Brexit crisis demolishes this narrative. He argues that by opposing Brexit and throwing its lot in with a liberal constitutional order tailor-made for the interests of global capitalists, the Left has made a major error. It has tied itself into a framework designed to frustrate its own radical policies. Brexit therefore actually represents a golden opportunity for socialists to implement the kind of economic agenda they have long since advocated. Sadly, however, many of them have lost faith in the kind of popular revolution that the majoritarian British constitution is peculiarly well-placed to deliver and have succumbed instead to defeatism and the cultural politics of virtue-signalling. Another approach is, however, still possible. Combining brilliant contemporary political insights with a profound grasp of the ironies of modern history, this book is essential for anyone who wants a clear-sighted assessment of the momentous underlying issues brought to the surface by Brexit.
In comparison to other political doctrines, conservatism is an understudied subject and there are few books that bring together works of scholars studying conservatism from different perspectives. Reflections on Conservatism is among these few pieces and is written for those who are interested in conservative thinking and conservative movements in different countries. In Reflections on Conservatism, readers will find 13 articles covering a wide range of aspects on conservatism. Six of these articles offer analyses of certain theoretical aspects of conservatism and focus on issues such as the definition of conservatism, the theme of inequality in conservative thinking and the applicability of conservative principals to postcolonial politics. Following these, there are seven articles that focus on conservative movements or thinkers from different countries. Here, readers will find detailed discussions on the contemporary state of British and US conservatisms as well as Sarkozy’s UMP. There are also other articles that present the portrayal of post-war cultural conservatism in Denmark, Antall’s conservatism in Hungary and radical conservative trends in Turkey.
Rev. and expanded ed. of : The conservative constitution. c1990.
Ray Kiely examines the conservative discourse of "winners" and "losers" of globalization that has emerged since the financial crisis. He provides a detailed examination of new US and UK conservative movements and how these have shaped responses to globalization that challenge neoliberal and third way approaches.
This volume offers a unique comparative perspective on post-war conservatism, as it traces the rise and mutations of conservative ideas in three countries – Britain, France and the United States - across a ‘short’ twentieth century (1929-1990) and examines the reconfiguration of conservatism as a transnational phenomenon. This framework allows for an important and distinctive point --the 1980s were less a conservative revolution than a moment when conservatism, understood in Burkean terms, was outflanked by its various satellites and political avatars, namely, populism, neoliberalism, reaction and cultural and gender traditionalism. No long running, unique ‘conservative mind’ comes out of this book’s transnational investigation. The 1980s did not witness the ascendancy of a movement with deep roots in the 18th century reaction to the French Revolution, but rather the decline of conservatism and the rise of movements and rhetoric that had remained marginal to traditional conservatism.
A radical reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars, exploring how the party adapted to mass democracy after 1918.
Contemporary American conservatism – a mélange of ideas, people, and organizations – is difficult to define; even conservatives themselves are unable to agree about its essential meaning. Yet the conservative movement is well financed, exerts strong influence in the Republican Party, inspires followers throughout the land, and has spawned a network of think tanks and media outlets that are the envy of its competitors. It is a powerful political force with which to be reckoned. This book examines how that has come about and what contemporary conservatism signifies for US politics and policy. It looks at the recent history of conservatism in America as well as its antecedents in the UK, traces changes over time using American National Election Study data from 1972 to the present in what it means when people say they are conservatives, and assesses the prospects for American conservatism, both in the near term electoral context and over the longer term as well.
Based on extensive analysis of surveys from recent decades, this book provides a detailed study of the attitudes of religious groups in Britain. It looks at continuity and change in relation to party support, ideology, abortion, homosexuality and gay rights, foreign policy, and public opinion towards religion in public life.
Britain, America and the Special Relationship since 1941 examines the Anglo-American strategic and military relationship that developed during the Second World War and continued until recent years. Forged on a common ground of social, cultural, and ideological values as well as political expediency, this partnership formed the basis of the western alliance throughout the Cold War, playing an essential part in bringing stability to the post-1945 international order. Clearly written and chronologically organized, the book begins by discussing the origins of the ‘Special Relationship’ and its progression from uneasy coexistence in the eighteenth century to collaboration at the start of the Second World War. McKercher explores the continued evolution of this partnership during the conflicts that followed, such as the Suez Crisis, the Vietnam War, and the Falklands War. The book concludes by looking at the developments in British and American politics during the past two decades and analysing the changing dynamics of this alliance over the course of its existence. Illustrated with maps and photographs and supplemented by a chronology of events and list of key figures, this is an essential introductory resource for students of the political history and foreign policies of Britain and the United States in the twentieth century.