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Since the late 1990s, the United States has funneled billions of dollars in aid to Colombia, ostensibly to combat the illicit drug trade and State Department-designated terrorist groups. The result has been a spiral of violence that continues to take lives and destabilize Colombian society. This book asks an obvious question: are the official reasons given for the wars on drugs and terror in Colombia plausible, or are there other, deeper factors at work? Scholars Villar and Cottle suggest that the answers lie in a close examination of the cocaine trade, particularly its class dimensions. Their analysis reveals that this trade has fueled extensive economic growth and led to the development of a "narco-state" under the control of a "narco-bourgeoisie" which is not interested in eradicating cocaine but in gaining a monopoly over its production. The principal target of this effort is the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), who challenge that monopoly as well as the very existence of the Colombian state. Meanwhile, U.S. business interests likewise gain from the cocaine trade and seek to maintain a dominant, imperialist relationship with their most important client state in Latin America. Suffering the brutal consequences, as always, are the peasants and workers of Colombia. This revelatory book punctures the official propaganda and shows the class war underpinning the politics of the Colombian cocaine trade.
Forty years after the declaration of the "war on drugs" by President Nixon, the debate on the effectiveness and costs of the ban is red-hot. Several former Latin American presidents and leading intellectuals from around the world have drawn attention to the ineffectiveness and adverse consequences of prohibitionism. This book thoroughly analyzes the drug policies of one of the main protagonists in this war. The book covers many topics: the economics of drug production, the policies to reduce consumption and decrease supply during the Plan Colombia, the effects of the drug problem on Colombia's international relations, the prevention of money laundering, the connection between drug trafficking and paramilitary politics, and strategies against organized crime. Beyond the diversity in topics, there is a common thread running through all the chapters: the need to analyze objectively what works and what does not, based on empirical evidence. Presented here for the first time to an English-speaking audience, this book is a contribution to a debate that urgently needs to transcend ideology and preconceived opinions.
Pursuant to a legislative requirement, GAO evaluated the scope, purpose, and effectiveness of U.S. narcotics control efforts in Colombia and Bolivia. GAO found that U.S.-supported crop control, enforcement, and interdiction efforts in Colombia and Bolivia have not produced major reductions in coca and marijuana production and trafficking, and it is questionable whether the efforts will achieve major reductions in the near future. GAO found that Colombia's large-scale efforts have had little effect due to the: (1) unprecedented level of violence associated with narcotics control; (2) lack of an enforceable extradition treaty with the United States for narcotics offenses; (3) general reluctance of the Colombian military forces to become involved in narcotics enforcement; and (4) lack of safe and effective means of chemically eradicating coca. GAO also found that Bolivia's efforts have had little effect due to: (1) the lack of clear legislation in Bolivia outlawing coca cultivation and supporting government control and eradication programs; (2) an inexperienced and ineffective special narcotics police force; (3) limited Bolivian government funding for program objectives; and (4) generalized corruption. In addition, GAO found that the Department of State's Bureau of International Narcotics Matters (INM): (1) did not systematically evaluate program and project performance to assess progress against established goals and objectives or to redirect activities; and (2) does not have guidelines which clearly establish the responsibility for ensuring that INM units perform evaluations. GAO also found that the Agency for International Development's development and narcotics awareness programs in Bolivia have not been effective due to the unwillingness or inability of the Bolivian government to introduce and implement effective coca control and enforcement measures.