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According to the U.S. National Security Strategy, the United States needs to "strengthen alliances to defeat global terrorism and work to prevent attacks against us and our friends." This dissertation develops an analytic framework to explore ways to encourage contributions from allies that are beneficial to the United States with specific reference to Japan's Host Nation Support program (HNS) for the U.S. Forces in Japan, The author examines Japan's alliance contributions, the background environment of the U.S.-Japan alliance during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, and key causes for the change in Japan's alliance contributions. He analyzes the future of the U.S.-Japan alliance over the next 10-20 years, the plausible direction of changes in Japan's alliance contributions and how the U.S. can influence that direction. Finally, he examines the short-term future of the alliance, focusing on the next Special Measures Agreement for the HNS in 2006, Japan's stance toward that agreement, and effective U.S. negotiating tactics.
The principal focus of the papers collected in this book is the Republic of Korea (ROK)-U.S. alliance and the challenges it faces from tensions within the alliance, the effects of the alliance partners' interaction with North Korea, and the economic pressures that affect the alliance. These papers were presented at the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korea Security Studies in October 2001. Because of the elapsed time, the reader could be tempted to think that the events since these papers were presented have overtaken the arguments of the presenters. This is far from the truth. Each of these papers reflects the enduring historical forces, geopolitical realities, and national interests that affect Northeast Asia, the Korean peninsula, and the ROK-U.S. alliance. The descriptions of the alliance mechanisms, the Armistice machinery, the Agreed Framework, and the economic imperatives that affect the alliance thus have continuing value. The policy recommendations are still germane and worthy of the consideration of those to whom the future of the alliance is entrusted.
Formulating a strategy involves complex interactions between politicians, strategic commanders and generals in the field. The authors explore the strategic decisions made during NATO missions in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Afghanistan, Somalia and Libya.
After discussing the customary view taken of alliance economics and its drawbacks the argument considers alternative views. Narrow tests of economic efficiency in military allocations are seen to be sharply restricted in applicability, while a broad formulation in terms of game theory avoids these restrictions at the overriding cost of unworkability. Yet some workable compromise must be evolved to handle urgent practical problems, and one way is suggested by the ttraditional treatment of civilian trade problems. The outstanding issues confronting any such treatment of burdensharing problems and the choice of military means are then sketched.
According to the Department of Defense's 2004 Base Structure Report, the United States officially maintains 860 overseas military installations and another 115 on noncontinental U.S. territories. Over the last fifteen years the Department of Defense has been moving from a few large-footprint bases to smaller and much more numerous bases across the globe. This so-called lily-pad strategy, designed to allow high-speed reactions to military emergencies anywhere in the world, has provoked significant debate in military circles and sometimes-fierce contention within the polity of the host countries. In Base Politics, Alexander Cooley examines how domestic politics in different host countries, especially in periods of democratic transition, affect the status of U.S. bases and the degree to which the U.S. military has become a part of their local and national landscapes. Drawing on exhaustive field research in different host nations across East Asia and Southern Europe, as well as the new postcommunist base hosts in the Black Sea and Central Asia, Cooley offers an original and provocative account of how and why politicians in host countries contest or accept the presence of the U.S. military on their territory. Overseas bases, Cooley shows, are not merely installations that serve a military purpose. For host governments and citizens, U.S. bases are also concrete institutions and embodiments of U.S. power, identity, and diplomacy. Analyzing the degree to which overseas bases become enmeshed in local political agendas and interests, Base Politics will be required reading for anyone interested in understanding the extent-and limits-of America's overseas military influence.
Stuart Chinn highlights this phenomenon, dubbed 'recalibration', as a regular companion to reform, and highlights the barriers to, and possibilities for, change in American politics.
Although US foreign policy was largely unpopular in the early 2000s, many nation-states, especially those bordering Russia and China, expanded their security cooperation with the United States. In Alignment, Alliance, and American Grand Strategy, Zachary Selden notes that the regional power of these two illiberal states prompt threatened neighboring states to align with the United States. Gestures of alignment include participation in major joint military exercises, involvement in US-led operations, the negotiation of agreements for US military bases, and efforts to join a US-led alliance. By contrast, Brazil is also a rising regional power, but as it is a democratic state, its neighbors have not sought greater alliance with the United States. Amid calls for retrenchment or restraint, Selden makes the case that a policy focused on maintaining American military preeminence and the demonstrated willingness to use force may be what sustains the cooperation of second-tier states, which in turn help to maintain US hegemony at a manageable cost.
On October 18-20, 2001, the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korean Security Studies was held in Washington, DC. Created in 1985 by retired generals Richard Stilwell of the United States and Sun Yup Paik of the Republic of Korea, the Council's aim was to initiate a conference that would bring together top scholars and practitioners on the most important issues facing the two countries and their important bilateral alliance. Since then, the Council has successfully hosted an annual conference, alternating every other year between meetings in Seoul and Washington. Although begun as an idea with a relatively small scale, in 2001 the Council hosted one of the largest meetings ever, bringing together over 50 presenters and discussants and several hundred participants. Due to the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center the preceding month, the planned participation of high-level U.S. government officials was curtailed. However, those attending the conference heard from many of the leading experts on Korean, Northeast Asian, and U.S. foreign policy issues and problems. Major speakers included the Republic of Korea (ROK) Ambassador to the United States, the Deputy Director of the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asia and Pacific Affairs. The unexpected attacks just 1 month prior to the conference caught everyone by surprise, not the least the authors. Thus, the papers did not capture adequately an assessment of the actual and potential impact of the terrorist attack on U.S. foreign policy, its implications for the two Koreas, and its probable effects on China and Russia. There were suggestions that the attack would have major effects, but few details about what those would be, which was understandable with so little time having elapsed since the attack. On the other hand, papers such as Victor Cha's stressed that in important ways much had not changed: U.S. commitments had not been shifted or weakened; the U.S. ability to militarily uphold its commitments had not been affected; and the solidarity of the ROK U.S. alliance again had been demonstrated through South Korea's strong support for the war on terrorism. The terrorist attack may have contributed to some extent to a broad mood of uneasiness, even outright concern, at the conference. Some authors, such as Tae Woo Kim, noted the stagnation or stalemate now existing in North- South and U.S.-Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) relations. There was consensus as articulated by Nicholas Eberstadt that North Korea had not made serious progress in either relationship: it had yet to install a significant reform program, making only modest economic improvements and none that reflect an easing of the structural problems in the economic and political systems. Most importantly, North Korea had not opened up to the outside world. Interestingly, unlike previous conferences, there was no concern about a collapse of the North with its myriad of unfortunate consequences. Instead, recent developments were taken mainly as evidence that the North lacks any serious commitment to reform, to engagement, and to opening up to the world, which is why the North is neglecting the opportunities offered by the Sunshine Policy and the Bush administration's offer to resume negotiations, and why the North did not respond effectively to the opportunity raised by the 9/11 incidents to deepen engagement with the United States. However, this was not a unanimous view. Some participants suggested the Bush administration was still not serious about talking with Pyongyang, and that the North really has made a significant commitment to change but that we are expecting too much too soon in this regard.
This book looks at U.S.-Korea relations and argues that military alliances depend upon a combination of power distribution, material assets, and identities. The author asserts that beyond being mere tools of power balancing, alliances are also impacted by material and institutional practices that constitute the identity of allies and adversaries.
The increase of new complex security challenges and the heightening significance of a diverse array of actors has simultaneously posed a challenge to traditional perspectives on international relations and foreign policy and created an opportunity for new concepts to be applied. Conventional explanations of Japan’s foreign policy have provided us with theoretically predetermined understandings and fallacious predictions. Reformulating risk in its application to the study of international relations and foreign policy, this volume promises new insights into the analysis of contemporary foreign policy in East Asia and Japan’s post-Cold War international relations in particular.