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This Book Debunks The Popular Notion That The Two-Nation Theory Was At The Very Roots Of The Concept Of Pakistan.
The years when John Diefenbaker’s Progressive Conservatives were in office were among the most tumultuous in Canadian history. Coming to power on a surge of optimistic nationalism in 1957, the “Rogue Tory” had stirred up more controversy than any previous prime minister by the time he was defeated in 1963. This was nowhere more apparent than in his handling of international affairs. This book reassesses foreign policy in the Diefenbaker era to determine whether its failures can be mainly attributed to the prime minister’s personality traits, particularly his indecisiveness, or to broader shifts in world affairs. Written by leading scholars who mine new sources of archival research, the chapters examine the full range of international issues that confronted Diefenbaker and his ministers and probe the factors that led to success or failure, decision or indecision, on specific issues. Rather than dismissing Diefenbaker as a “Rogue Tory” on the world stage, this fascinating reconsideration of the Diefenbaker years challenges readers to push beyond the conventional and reassess his record with fresh eyes.
Donald Trump's New World Order addresses U.S. foreign policy initiatives during Mr. Trump’s Presidency, appeasing traditional enemies such as Russia and undermining allies such as NATO and the European Union. In the book, Ambassador T. Hamid Al-Bayati outlines, region by region, policy by policy, the administration’s misguided, and sometimes corrupt, initiatives and decisions, which could potentially lead to regional conflict and global war. Highlighted within the text are the administration’s relationships and interactions with Russia, China, North Korea, and the Middle East, as well as within the United States. The author’s critical review of Trump’s foreign policy includes the impact of trade wars, military escalation, and changing global relationships, Ambassador Al-Bayati paints a stark picture of the present standing of the U.S. and a dark future that looms on the horizon. Many experts agree that Trump’s foreign policy lacks coordination, consistency, and organization. Trump often contradicts himself and his supporting staff. Concerned Americans and U.S. allies struggle to find coherence in the Trump administration’s foreign policy. It zigs and zags, with senior administration officials saying one thing and President Trump contradicting them without warning the next day. It punishes U.S. allies and coddles U.S. adversaries; it privileges demagogy over democracy. Mr. Trump’s approach appears impulsive, improvisational and inchoate—devoid of clear purpose, values or even ideology. Ambassador Al-Bayati leaves nothing unexplored as he strives to organize and explain the current and future implications of Mr. Trump’s presidency and policy.
This collection of papers rigorously examines the current place of deterrence in international security relations, delivering the best of contemporary thinking. This is a special issue of the leading journal Contemporary Security Policy. It shows how and why nuclear deterrence was the central organizing mechanism for international security relations in the second half of the twentieth century. It has been replaced by a new global security environment in which the central role of deterrence, both nuclear and otherwise, appears to have diminished. The Cold War has been succeeded by a new state of play. This book will be of interest to students of military and naval history and security studies.
State sponsorship of terrorism is a complex and important topic in today's international affairs - and especially pertinent in the regional politics of the Middle East and South Asia, where Pakistan has long been a flashpoint of Islamist politics and terrorism. In Islamism and Intelligence in South Asia, Prem Mahadevan demonstrates how over several decades, radical Islamists, sometimes with the tacit support of parts of the military establishment, have weakened democratic governance in Pakistan and acquired progressively larger influence over policy-making. Mahadevan traces this history back to the anti-colonial Deobandi movement, which was born out of the post-partition political atmosphere and a rediscovery of the thinking of Ibn Taymiyyah, and partially ennobled the idea of `jihad' in South Asia as a righteous war against foreign oppression. Using Pakistani media and academic sources for the bulk of its raw data, and reinforcing this with scholarly analysis from Western commentators, the book tracks Pakistan's trajectory towards a `soft' Islamic revolution. Envisioned by the country's intelligence community as a solution to chronic governance failures, these narratives called for a re-orientation away from South Asia and towards the Middle East. In the process, Pakistan has become a sanctuary for Arab jihadist groups, such as Al-Qaeda, who had no previous ethnic or linguistic connection with South Asia. Most alarmingly, official discourse on terrorism has been partly silenced by the military-intelligence complex. The result is a slow drift towards extremism and possible legitimation of internationally proscribed terrorist organizations in Pakistan's electoral politics.
Presenting a framework that incorporates macro-level forces into micro-level strategic calculations, this book explains key political choices by leaders and challengers in Pakistan through the political survival mechanism. It offers an explanation for continuing polity weakness in the country, and describes how political survival shapes the choices made by the leaders and challengers. Using a unique analysis that synthesizes theories of weak states, quasi-states and political survival, the book extends beyond rationalist accounts and the application of choice-theoretical approaches to developing countries. It challenges the focus on ideology and suggests that diverse, religiously and ethnically-defined affinity groups have interests that are represented in particular ways in weak state circumstances. Extensive interviews with decision-makers and polity-participants, combined with narrative accounts, allow the author to examine decision-making by leaders in a state bureaucratic machinery context as well as the complex mechanisms by which dissident affinity groups may support ‘quasi-state’ options. This study can be used for comparisons in Islamic contexts, and presents an interesting contribution to studies on South Asia as well as Political Development.
This was the first of a number of seminars dealing with one of the most complex of the new challenges in the 21st century, which call for the participation of a broad range of experts. Eminent economists, decision-makers, defence specialists, political analysts and sociologists presented their views and participated in the debates. In the wake of the dramatic event of 11 September 2001, the Afghanistan war and the resurgence of terrorist acts on all the continents, a host of issues were reconsidered and the role of science and technology was reassessed. The 27th Session was primarily oriented toward the definition of the new types of confrontation, and the identification of various factors and issues that gave rise to them and global trends.The proceedings have been selected for coverage in: ? Index to Scientific & Technical Proceedings (ISTP CDROM version / ISI Proceedings)? Index to Social Sciences & Humanities Proceedings? (ISSHP? / ISI Proceedings)? Index to Social Sciences & Humanities Proceedings (ISSHP CDROM version / ISI Proceedings)