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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is preparing to convene its 20th Party Congress in late 2022, and the party apparatus is already in full swing making the necessary arrangements for the political conclave, held every five years. President and CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping had hoped to tread an easy path toward an atypical third term in power, but unexpected events at home and abroad have complicated that trajectory. Against this backdrop, this paper reviews the official building blocks that shape what is and is not permissible in CCP politics, as well the mechanics of producing a new top leadership lineup at each party congress, and considers whether these mechanisms might restrict Xi's freedom of action despite his impressive accrual of personal power atop the CCP hierarchy.
Bad leadership in both business and politics is all too common. Yet even when it is clear that leadership is poor, organizations struggle to change it. In Leadership from Bad to Worse, one of the nation's leading leadership scholars looks at bad leadership across a range of organizations and details how and why it inexorably gets worse--and offers pathways for arresting these downward spirals.
The years between the Nineteenth and Twentieth Party Con gresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union comprise one of the most eventful periods in the history of the USSR. It opened with the first CPSU gathering in 13 years at a time when the Soviet Union was beset by serious domestic and foreign difficulties and was passing through a transitional period in its development. It witnessed the death of J. V. Stalin who had exercized unquestioned authority for a quarter of a century; it felt the impact of the sweeping changes undertaken by his successors as they sought to cope with the immense problems facing the new regime; and it culminated in the Twen tieth Party Congress which marked the closing of one phase of the post-Stalin era and the opening of an equally challenging newone. It would be mistaken to consider this period between October 1952 and February 1956 as an isolated unit. In fact, most of its salient features have their roots deep in the past and the full implications of the momentous changes undertaken after Stalin's death have yet to be felt. Nevertheless, it does provide a convenient - although arbitrary - demarcation of an im portant phase of Soviet history. I wish to express my gratitude to Prof. Dr. C. D. J. Brandt under whose expert guidance this study was undertaken and written.
Rising China has been reshaping world order for the last two decades, but this volume argues that we cannot accurately understand rising China's global impacts without first investigating whether and how its growing power resources are translated into actual influence over other states' choices and policies. Concentrating on the developing countries in East and South Asia, where the power asymmetry is greatest and China ought to have the biggest influence, the volume investigates China's influence in bilateral relationships, and on key political actors from these countries within key issue areas and international institutions. Using an influence framework, the volume demonstrates how China tends to try to gain the support of smaller and weaker countries without forcing them to change their preferences or to act against their own interests. China does purposefully coerce, induce, or persuade others to behave in certain ways, but whether and the extent to which it succeeds is determined as much by the reactions, political context and decision-making processes of the target states, as it is by how skilfully Chinese actors deploy these tools. The contributors detail how China's influence even over these weaker states does not result from easy applications of power; rather it tends to be mediated through the competing interests of target state actors, the imperatives of other existing security and economic relationships, and more complex strategic thinking than we might expect. The book's findings carry lessons for conceptual refinement, as well as policy implications for those coping with China's reshaping of international order.
Between 1984 and 2021, elite athletes from the member regions of Greater China – China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong – competed at each of the ten Summer Olympics. By winning 263 gold medals, 199 silver, and 173 bronze, China became a global sports superpower. Taiwan and Hong Kong pocketed 7 gold medals, 10 silver, and 17 bronze and 2 gold medals, 3 silver, and 4 bronze, respectively, displaying their world-leading statuses in archery, badminton, baseball, cycling, fencing, gymnastics, Judo, karate, sailing, Taekwondo, table tennis, and weightlifting. In response, the leaders of the three regions delivered high-profile praise. Their administrations awarded cash, badges, and/or honorary titles to the medalists. By reviewing journalistic reports, key-players’ memoirs, official documents, and scholarly works, this book aims to understand the significance of the Olympic medal haul to the Chinese, Taiwanese, and Hong Kong authorities. Its findings detail the context in which the Olympic medal haul was leveraged for the political change of the three regions and their relations with each other. They also reveal that the praise and rewards bestowed by the respective authorities on the medalists not only celebrated their jurisdictions’ sporting excellence, but served broader strategic goals across domestic politics and international relations.
The Congressional Record is the official record of the proceedings and debates of the United States Congress. It is published daily when Congress is in session. The Congressional Record began publication in 1873. Debates for sessions prior to 1873 are recorded in The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States (1789-1824), the Register of Debates in Congress (1824-1837), and the Congressional Globe (1833-1873)
This empirical work illuminates how China uses the higher education mechanism in South Asia to advance its national interests and investigates the outcomes for China, including both challenges and opportunities. Using a soft power theoretical framework, this book employs the case study of Nepal, a South Asian country of profound geostrategic value for the two competing powers of China and India. Illustrating how higher education is the mechanism for achieving soft power goals, it draws on data analysis based on archival sources and interviews with China and South Asia experts, including academics and politico-bureaucratic elites, as well as interviews with Nepalese students and alumni. Importantly though, this book advances an innovative conceptual model of geointellect to trace the evolving dimensions of China’s global dominance in higher education, research, and innovation paradigm, especially in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and ultimately reveals how foreign policy and higher education policy reinforce each other in the context of China. China’s Soft Power and Higher Education in South Asia provides an empirically rich resource for students and scholars of education, international relations, Asian studies, and China’s soft power.