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This book explores the governance of the UK, and the process of constitutional change, between Scotland’s independence referendum in September 2014 and the UK general election in May 2015. The book contrasts the attitudes of the public, captured through an original survey, with those of politicians, civil servants, and civic leaders, identified through over forty interviews. It pays particular attention to two case studies involving recent changes to the UK’s governing arrangements: the Smith Commission and the transfer of further powers to the Scottish Parliament, and Greater Manchester’s devolution deal that has become a model for devolution across England. It also considers the issue of lowering the voting age to 16, contrasting the political attitudes of younger voters in Scotland with those in the rest of the UK. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of UK politics, devolution, constitutional change, public attitudes, and territorial politics.
"First [originally] published in Great Britain in 2007 by Politico's Publishing ..."--Title page verso.
This collection focuses on the particular nexus of popular sovereignty and constitutional change, and the implications of the recent surge in populism for systems where constitutional change is directly decided upon by the people via referendum. It examines different conceptions of sovereignty as expressed in constitutional theory and case law, including an in-depth exploration of the manner in which the concept of popular sovereignty finds expression both in constitutional provisions on referendums and in court decisions concerning referendum processes. While comparative references are made to a number of jurisdictions, the primary focus of the collection is on the experience in Ireland, which has had a lengthy experience of referendums on constitutional change and of legal, political and cultural practices that have emerged in association with these referendums. At a time when populist pressures on constitutional change are to the fore in many countries, this detailed examination of where the Irish experience sits in a comparative context has an important contribution to make to debates in law and political science.
This book explores the consequences of lowering the voting age to 16 from a global perspective, bringing together empirical research from countries where at least some 16-year-olds are able to vote. With the aim to show what really happens when younger people can take part in elections, the authors engage with the key debates on earlier enfranchisement and examine the lead-up to and impact of changes to the voting age in countries across the globe. The book provides the most comprehensive synthesis on this topic, including detailed case studies and broad comparative analyses. It summarizes what can be said about youth political participation and attitudes, and highlights where further research is needed. The findings will be of great interest to researchers working in youth political socialization and engagement, as well as to policymakers, youth workers and activists.
The European Union: How Does it Work? is the perfect introduction to the EU's structure and operations for those coming to the subject for the first time. Leading scholars and practitioners cut through the complexity to explain how the EU really works and why it matters. The third edition of this successful textbook has been updated in light of the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and the effects of the financial crisis on the Eurozone. It includes three new chapters, on the policy-making process, democracy in the EU, and EU internal and external security. Student understanding of the main actors, policies and developments is aided by the inclusion of helpful learning features throughout the text. The European Union: How Does it Work is also supported by an Online Resource Centre with the following features: For students: - Multiple choice questions - Flash card glossary For registered adopters of the textbook - Seminar questions and activities - PowerPoint® presentations
This book argues that - in terms of institutional design, the allocation of power and privilege, and the lived experiences of citizens - democracy often does not restart the political game after displacing authoritarianism. Democratic institutions are frequently designed by the outgoing authoritarian regime to shield incumbent elites from the rule of law and give them an unfair advantage over politics and the economy after democratization. Authoritarianism and the Elite Origins of Democracy systematically documents and analyzes the constitutional tools that outgoing authoritarian elites use to accomplish these ends, such as electoral system design, legislative appointments, federalism, legal immunities, constitutional tribunal design, and supermajority thresholds for change. The study provides wide-ranging evidence for these claims using data that spans the globe and dates from 1800 to the present. Albertus and Menaldo also conduct detailed case studies of Chile and Sweden. In doing so, they explain why some democracies successfully overhaul their elite-biased constitutions for more egalitarian social contracts.
Comparative constitutional change has recently emerged as a distinct field in the study of constitutional law. It is the study of the way constitutions change through formal and informal mechanisms, including amendment, replacement, total and partial revision, adaptation, interpretation, disuse and revolution. The shift of focus from constitution-making to constitutional change makes sense, since amendment power is the means used to refurbish constitutions in established democracies, enhance their adaptation capacity and boost their efficacy. Adversely, constitutional change is also the basic apparatus used to orchestrate constitutional backslide as the erosion of liberal democracies and democratic regression is increasingly affected through legal channels of constitutional change. Routledge Handbook of Comparative Constitutional Change provides a comprehensive reference tool for all those working in the field and a thorough landscape of all theoretical and practical aspects of the topic. Coherence from this aspect does not suggest a common view, as the chapters address different topics, but reinforces the establishment of comparative constitutional change as a distinct field. The book brings together the most respected scholars working in the field, and presents a genuine contribution to comparative constitutional studies, comparative public law, political science and constitutional history.
The ability of the foundations and rules of the UK to evolve and in doing so adapt to changing circumstances has been a great strength. England, despite being home to 83% of the population of the UK, is yet to join the other nations of the Union in having effective devolution. Outside London, most decisions about England are still taken centrally by the UK Parliament though many decisions in the devolved parts of the Union are also taken centrally in the sense that they are made by the devolved Administrations and Legislatures for the whole of that part of the Union. 'Prospects for codifying the relationship between central and local government' (HC 656-I, ISBN 9780215052544) outlined a way in which devolution for England could be taken forward using local councils as the vehicle. Among the options is a national forum, or pre-convention, for England to discuss the most appropriate method to address the English Question. A strong, lasting democratic settlement for the UK must be built upon two principles: those of devolution and union. That is to say, a broad acceptance of the role and powers of the Union, allied to a respect for different but agreed forms of devolution for the nations that make up the Union. The development of bespoke devolution, rather than one size fits all, is welcomed but the more this is within a context of an agreed role for the UK, the more sustainable the settlement will be
Britain’s main imperial possessions in Asia were granted independence in the 1940s and 1950s and needed to craft constitutions for their new states. Invariably the indigenous elites drew upon British constitutional ideas and institutions regardless of the political conditions that prevailed in their very different lands. Many Asian nations called upon the services of Englishman and Law Professor Sir Ivor Jennings to advise or assist their own constitution making. Although he was one of the twentieth century’s most prominent constitutional scholars, his opinion and influence were often controversial and remain so due to his advocating British norms in Asian form. This book examines the process of constitutional formation in the era of decolonisation and state building in Asia. It sheds light upon the influence and participation of Jennings in particular and British ideas in general on democracy and institutions across the Asian continent. Critical cases studies on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Malaysia and Nepal – all linked by Britain and Jennings – assess the distinctive methods and outcomes of constitution making and how British ideas fared in these major states. The book offers chapters on the Westminster model in Asia, Human Rights, Nationalism, Ethnic politics, Federalism, Foreign influence, Decolonisation, Authoritarianism, the Rule of Law, Parliamentary democracy and the power and influence of key political actors. Taking an original stance on constitution making in Asia after British rule, it also puts forward ideas of contemporary significance for Asian states and other emerging democracies engaged in constitution making, regime change and seeking to understand their colonial past. The first political, historical or constitutional analysis comparing Asia’s experience with its indelible British constitutional legacy, this book is a critical resource on state building and constitution making in Asia following independence. It will appeal to students and scholars of world history, public law and politics.