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Spine title reads: Public Papers of the Presidents, Jimmy Carter, 1978. Contains public messages and statements of the President of the United States released by the White House from June 30-December 31, 1978. Also includes appendices and an index. Item 574-A. Related items: Public Papers of the Presidents collection can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/catalog/public-papers-presidents
In 1978, Republican William P. Clements won the race for governor of the Lone Star State, marking the start of an interlude of two-party competition in the state. Eventually, Republican ascendancy would once again make Texas a “safe” place for a single party—but not the party that had dominated the state since the end of Reconstruction. At the time, observers asked whether the election of a Republican governor was a mere flash in the pan. For the previous twenty years, other races, at every level from national to local, had made inroads into Democratic strongholds, but that party’s dominance by and large had held. In 1978, the situation changed. Now, historian Kenneth Bridges—drawing on polling data, newspaper reports, archival sources, and extensive interviews—both confirms the significance of the election and explains the many and complex forces at work in it. He analyzes a wide range of factors that includes the disaffection among Mexican American voters fanned by La Raza Unida, miscalculations by Democrat John Hill and his campaign staff, the superior polling techniques used by Clements, the unpopularity of the Democratic president, Jimmy Carter, the changing demographics of the state, and the unprecedented spending by the Clements team. In the process, Bridges describes not an ideological realignment among Texas voters, but a partisan one. Twilight of the Texas Democrats illuminates our understanding of both political science and regional history.
The first comprehensive and definitive history of Brazil's decision to give up the nuclear weapon option. Why do countries capable of "going nuclear" choose not to? Brazil, which gained notoriety for developing a nuclear program and then backtracking into adherence to the nonproliferation regime, offers a fascinating window into the complex politics surrounding nuclear energy and American interference. Since the beginning of the nuclear age, author Carlo Patti writes, Brazil has tried to cooperate with other countries in order to master nuclear fuel cycle technology, but international limitations have constrained the country's approach. Brazil had the start of a nuclear program in the 1950s, which led to the United States interfering in agreements between Brazil and other countries with advanced nuclear industries, such as France and West Germany. These international constraints, especially those imposed by the United States, partly explain the country's decision to create a secret nuclear program in 1978 and to cooperate with other countries outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty [NPT] regime, such as Argentina and China. Yet, in 1998, Brazil chose to adhere to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty it so actively opposed only three decades prior, although the country still critiques the unfair nature of the treaty. Patti draws on recent declassified primary sources collected during years of research in public and private archives in eight different countries, as well as interviews with former presidents, diplomats, and scientists, to show how US nonproliferation policies deeply affected Brazil's decisions. Assessing the domestic and international factors that informed the evolution of Brazil's nuclear diplomacy, Brazil in the Global Nuclear Order, 1945-2018 also discusses what it means with respect to Brazil's future political goals.
A thorough investigation of the current combination of austerity and extravagance that characterizes government spending and central bank monetary policy At the close of the 1970s, government treasuries and central banks took a vow of perpetual self-restraint. To this day, fiscal authorities fret over soaring public debt burdens, while central bankers wring their hands at the slightest sign of rising wages. As the brief reprieve of coronavirus spending made clear, no departure from government austerity will be tolerated without a corresponding act of penance. Yet we misunderstand the scope of neoliberal public finance if we assume austerity to be its sole setting. Beyond the zero-sum game of direct claims on state budgets lies a realm of indirect government spending that escapes the naked eye. Capital gains are multiply subsidized by a tax system that reserves its greatest rewards for financial asset holders. And for all its airs of haughty asceticism, the Federal Reserve has become adept at facilitating the inflation of asset values while ruthlessly suppressing wages. Neoliberalism is as extravagant as it is austere, and this paradox needs to be grasped if we are to challenge its core modus operandi. Melinda Cooper examines the major schools of thought that have shaped neoliberal common sense around public finance. Focusing, in particular, on Virginia school public choice theory and supply-side economics, she shows how these currents produced distinct but ultimately complementary responses to the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. With its intellectual roots in the conservative Southern Democratic tradition, Virginia school public choice theory espoused an austere doctrine of budget balance. The supply-side movement, by contrast, advocated tax cuts without spending restraint and debt issuance without guilt, in an apparent repudiation of austerity. Yet, for all their differences, the two schools converged around the need to rein in the redistributive uses of public spending. Together, they drove a counterrevolution in public finance that deepened the divide between rich and poor and revived the fortunes of dynastic wealth. Far-reaching as the neoliberal counterrevolution has been, Cooper still identifies a counterfactual history of unrealized possibilities in the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. She concludes by inviting us to rethink the concept of revolution and raises the question: Is another politics of extravagance possible?
A fascinating, first-hand account of the bureaucratic and public struggles that lead to the Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty, Glitman focuses on debates among American negotiators and between them and the Europeans and Soviets. This is an important look at policy making and negotiations all the more relevant in an age of proliferation.
A masterful account of the founding of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Liaison Office for Personnel Management (LOPM), and his use of LOPM to demonstrate the efficacy of a management-oriented federal civil service over a purely merit-based Civil Service Commission A Presidential Civil Service offers a comprehensive and definitive study of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s Liaison Office for Personnel Management (LOPM). Established in 1939 following the release of Roosevelt’s Brownlow Committee report, LOPM became a key milestone in the evolution of the contemporary executive-focused civil service. The Progressive Movement of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries comprised groups across the political spectrum with quite different. All, however, agreed on the need for a politically autonomous and independent federal Civil Service Commission (CSC) to eliminate patronage and political favoritism. In A Presidential Civil Service, public administration scholar Mordecai Lee explores two models open to later reformers: continuing a merit-based system isolated from politics or a management-based system subordinated to the executive and grounded in the growing field of managerial science. Roosevelt’s 1937 Brownlow Committee, formally known as the President’s Committee on Administrative Management, has been widely studied including its recommendation to disband the CSC and replace it with a presidential personnel director. What has never been documented in detail was Roosevelt’s effort to implement that recommendation over the objections of Congress by establishing the LOPM as a nonstatutory agency. The role and existence of LOPM from 1939 to 1945 has been largely dismissed in the history of public administration. Lee’s meticulously researched A Presidential Civil Service, however, persuasively shows that LOPM played a critical role in overseeing personnel policy. It was involved in every major HR initiative before and during World War II. Though small, the agency’s deft leadership almost always succeeded at impelling the CSC to follow its lead. Roosevelt’s actions were in fact an artful and creative victory, a move finally vindicated when, in 1978, Congress abolished the CSC and replaced it with an Office of Personnel Management headed by a presidential appointee. A Presidential Civil Service offers a fascinating account and vital reassessment of the enduring legacy of Roosevelt’s LOPM.
This volume contains the proceedings of the International Conference The Presidency of James Earl Carter Junior. Between Reformism, Pacifism and Human Rights, held in Rome on April 28, 2016, at the Institute Santa Maria in Aquiro, with the Senate of the Italian Republic patronage. Forty years after his election to the White House, it was deemed necessary to reflect on the political activity of a President little considered, until now, by the Italian historiography. The Carter Presidency, inspired since its inception by a predominant religious sentiment, was marked by a clear break with the past. Themes such as the respect for human rights, dialogue with the historic Soviet enemy, pacifism as a weapon of the Middle East problem resolution, industrial development through a sustainable approach were introduced right from the thirty-ninth occupant of the White House. At the presidential elections of 1980, which saw him clash with the Republican Ronald Reagan, Carter paid especially the failures of his reform and economic policy: the US economic difficulties and the significant increase in the unemployment rate were the main reasons that cost him his reelection. Reformism, pacifism, respect for human rights: concepts that would continue to inspire Carter’s policy, despite the defeat against Reagan.
"Containing the public messages, speeches, and statements of the President", 1956-1992.