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Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1968-1973, the sequel volume to William M. Hammond2s Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1962-1968, continues the history and analysis of the relationship between the press and the military during the final years of the Vietnam conflict. Relying on official records and histories, news media sources and interviews, and significant secondary works, Hammond has carefully and capably traced the many turns that public affairs policies and campaigns took to protect military secrets without diminishing the independence of news correspondents. Massive amounts of information were forthcoming without endangering U.S. forces, but neither the press nor the government was totally satisfied with the system. Doubts and criticisms loomed large, giving rise to tensions and disagreements. With some exceptions, the military and the news media became enemies. What happened in Vietnam between the military and the news media was symptomatic of what had occurred in the United States as a whole. Hammond2s well-written account raises the issues and problems that can confront an open society at war, documenting events and precedents that will continue to affect military-media relations during future operations. It offers important lessons for Soldiers, newsmen, policymakers, and the public at large.
Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1968-1973, the sequel volume to William M. Hammond's Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1962-1968, continues the history and analysis of the relationship between the press and the military during the final years of the Vietnam conflict. Relying on official records and histories, news media sources and interviews, and significant secondary works, Hammond has carefully and capably traced the many turns that public affairs policies and campaigns took to protect military secrets without diminishing the independence of news correspondents. Massive amounts of information were forthcoming without endangering U.S. forces, but neither the press nor the government was totally satisfied with the system. Doubts and criticisms loomed large, giving rise to tensions and disagreements. With some exceptions, the military and the news media became enemies. What happened in Vietnam between the military and the news media was symptomatic of what had occurred in the United States as a whole. Hammond's well-written account raises the issues and problems that can confront an open society at war, documenting events and precedents that will continue to affect military-media relations during future operations. It offers important lessons for soldiers, newsmen, policymakers, and the public at large.
United States Army in Vietnam. Describes the efforts of the United States Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, to manage relations with the news media during the Vietnam War. Follows the development of changes introduced into the program by General Creighton Abrams, General William C. Westmoreland's successor, through to the end of the war. Carries the story from just after the Tet Offensive through the administration of President Richard M. Nixon to the final withdrawal of American forces from South Vietnam in 1973.
United States Army in Vietnam. CMH Pub. 91-13. Draws upon previously unavailable Army and Defense Department records to interpret the part the press played during the Vietnam War. Discusses the roles of the following in the creation of information policy: Military Assistance Command's Office of Information in Saigon; White House; State Department; Defense Department; and the United States Embassy in Saigon.
This book examines the tensions and controversies that developed as the war lengthened and the news media went about their traditional tasks. The first of two volumes on the subject, it draws upon previously unavailable Army and Defense Department records to interpret the role the press played during the war.--[foreword].
The image of public relations, and particularly government public relations, is often linked to thoughts of press agentry and propaganda (Brown, 1976; Cutlip, 1995; Cutlip, Center, & Broom, 2000; Lesly, 1988), and journalists seem to agree with this association (Ryan & Martinson, 1985; Stegall & Sanders, 1986). As a result, a "media-public relations struggle' (Cutlip, 1976, p. 6) ensues, despite the reliance each has upon the other to do their jobs effectively (Bishop, 1988; Brown, 1976; Cutlip, 1976; Gieber & Johnson, 1961; Shea & Gulick, 1997; Sietel, 1992). This mutually-dependent relationship is especially important to the Department of Defense (Baroody, 1999, Braestrup, 1991), which considers the news media "the principal means of communicating information about the military to the general public" (Joint Pub 3-61, p. vi) and measures the effectiveness of the military public affairs program upon its ability to communicate with various publics to maintain awareness and support of the Defense Department (Public Affairs Handbook, 1991). Each of the branches of the armed forces - the Air Force, Army, Navy, and Marine Corps - has a distinct public affairs structure, including how they designate public affairs officers (Public Affairs Handbook, 1991). With the exception of the Marine Corps, which follows Navy guidelines, each branch also has their own set of regulations and policies.