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Regional disparities in income have been an important part of the growth of experience of most nation states. Canada is no exception. In a large country, thinly populated and having a wide diversity of resources, cultures, and locational advantages, it is only natural to expect the existence of dissimilar levels of economic performance. In fact, just this diversity of physical and human backgrounds has often provided the primary thrust for variations in natural economic growth. If, therefore, a better understanding of national development is to be obtained, some attention to the growth experience of the subnational units is imperative. This study aims at widening our understanding of the Canadian growth process by focusing on the relationship between regional and national changes since the last decade of the nineteenth century.
Winner of the Harold Adams Innis Prize, Politics and Ideology in Canada examines a period of crucial historical change in Canada, beginning in the mid-1970s when the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state precipitated a transition to a new political order based on the progressive "downsizing" of state involvement in the economy and society. Using class and ideology as key concepts, Michael Ornstein and Michael Stevenson examine this transition in terms of the nature of hegemony and hegemonic crisis and the conditions of political order and instability. These concepts guide the interpretation of three large surveys of representative samples of the Canadian public and two unique elite surveys, conducted between 1975 and 1981. The surveys cover an exceptionally broad spectrum of political issues, including social programs, civil and economic rights, economic policy, foreign ownership, labour relations, and language issues and sovereignty. A wide-ranging analysis of public and elite attitudes reveals a hegemonic order through the early 1980s, built around public support for the institutions of the Canadian welfare state. But there was also widespread public alienation from politics. Public opinion was quite strongly linked to class but not to party politics. Regional variation in political ideology on a broad range of issues was less pronounced than differences between Quebec and English Canada. Much deeper ideological divisions separated the elites, with a dramatic polarization between corporate and labour respondents. State elites fell between these two, though generally more favourable to capital. The responses of the business elites reveal the ideological roots of the Mulroney years in support for cuts in social programs, free trade, privatization, and deregulation.
Offers an analysis of 12 indicators from the ILO Key Indicators of the Labour Market database. The aim is to look for progress or lack of progress towards the goal of gender equality in the world of work and identify where and why blockages to labour market equity continue to exist. Focuses on the relationship of women to labour markets and compares employment outcomes for men and women to the best degree possible given the available labour market indicators.
'One of a series of labour force studies in the 1961 Census monograph programme.'
The Healing Journey offers a startling analysis of intimate partner abuse and its negative effects on women’s earnings, education and vocational training as well as in the labour market itself. Victims of abuse often suffer from chronic physical and mental health issues, which impede their participation in the labour market. Based on findings from a seven-wave study coordinated by RESOLVE, a family violence research centre housed in universities across the prairie provinces, the goal of this book is to advance a social scientific understanding of women’s employment status and barriers to participation, occupations, household income sources and vocational training outcomes over the course of a woman’s journey to heal from intimate partner abuse.